Mawbima News

By P.Bertie Ranaweerage –

Bertie Ranaweerage

I was sacked by the UNP government whose Minister of Education was Mr. Ranil Wickremesinghe, for providing leadership to  the teacher trainees in Teacher Training colleges in the basic strike in 1980. For over three years I had to undergo a plenty of hardships. Some fifty strikers committed suicide . I have by no means voted for the UNP  and never ever will. But I decided to create about Mr. Ranil Wickremesinghe, the leader of the UNP, not to attack him but to appreciate him.

All the good men and women of this nation had been browsing for a very good man or a woman as a widespread candidate to send MR and his cabal residence until Maitri’s wonderful renunciation. I also took element in that noble endeavour by quite a few techniques like writing to Colombo Telegraph from time to time. In truth I attempted to promote the former President CBK as she was for national reconciliation via power sharing. I knew quite properly, as several other individuals, that Ranil would not be in a position to defeat Mahinda as the UNP was thoroughly disorganized, demoralized and split. And it looked like at that time that Ranil was not interested in contesting the Presidential Election.

A lot of thought that Venerable Maduluwawe Sobhitha Thera would contest the Presidential election against Mahinda as he had started a campaign against the executive presidential technique but numerous doubted his capability to defeat Mahinda. Becoming a Buddhist monk he was unlikely to be voted by non Buddhists  as effectively as the Tamils and the Muslims.

In the meantime our present day hero Ranil said that he would go to America to learn the latest trends in politics. President Mahinda sarcastically said that Ranil could  learn politics at Medamulana (President’s property) as an alternative of going to America to find out politics. In truth he had received an invitation from Massachusetts Institute of Technology to study on how to formulate a constitution sans an executive presidency whilst conducting lectures for students there on Asian regional troubles. He left for America at the starting of April this year and arrived back right after a period of 1 month. Quickly following his arrival in Sri Lanka he announced that he would contest the Presidential Election dampening all the hopes of those who have been campaigning for a common candidate who could win.

Ranil’s announcement was a fatal blow to the campaign of Sobhitha Thera and to all these who have been fighting for democracy, rule of law and good governance . We had been extremely much disappointed since we knew that Mahinda would win again and stay in energy for numerous years as Ranil was not a challenge to him. But a voice in me stated that it could be a ploy of Ranil to strengthen his celebration and rally his members around him .

Now we know that Ranil had not been critical in contesting the election though he publicly mentioned that he would. It proves beyond any doubt how politically matured he is and was. He knew far better than us that he would not be able to defeat Mahinda. In 2010 also he allowed the Basic to contest as his possibilities have been extremely really slim against Mahinda after the war victory. When we appear back we can see that Ranil was capable to strengthen the UNP to a particular extent following he expressed his intention to contest the Presidential election.

Ranil’s announcement was very good news for Mahinda and his cabal but they nevertheless doubted Ranil’s new stand due to two reasons. On 1 hand Venerable Sobhitha Thera was campaigning difficult to discover a typical candidate and on the other hand the UNP was split mostly into two groups, as  Ranil’s group and Sajith’s group. As the UNP was divided it was attainable, they believed, that Ranil would ultimately not contest. Now it is in the public domain that an agent of Mahinda and Company, Tiran Alles and Tissa Attanayake held secret talks behind Ranil’s back to unite Ranil and Sajith. It was not that they wanted to strengthen the UNP but to make certain Ranil’s candidacy against Mahinda at the future Presidential election. When Mr. Ravi Karunanayake MP, revealed that Tissa was holding secret talks with the government Tissa first denied it but later admitted. The conspiracy succeeded as Sajith was convinced that it would pave the way for Sajith to recognize his dream of becoming the leader of the UNP for Ranil would have to stand down and hand over the leadership to the next man in line after losing to Mahinda. Sajith came back to the celebration and accepted the deputy leadership and said he was  even prepared to sacrifice his life for the victory of Ranil at the Presidential election. Tissa Attanayake said he was so satisfied as he was in a position to unite the celebration through his tough work. ( It is the job of the UNP to launch an investigation instantly to find out  whether Tissa Attanayake had been a secret agent of Mahinda cabal during the last handful of years for, on the nomination day Tissa joined Mahinda providing significantly needed oxygen to Mahinda.)

Now let us turn to Ranil. As he was a shrewd individual he did not fall into the trap set by the conspirators. He knew quite well that he was not well-liked adequate among the voters to defeat Mahinda. By getting secret talks with Chandrika either to field her or another as the typical candidate Ranil has outmaneuvered all the plotters of his celebration and  the government. Ultimately he has not only defeated all the conspiracies to oust him from his leadership by some UNP leaders such as Sajith and Tissa Attanayake but also attempts of Mahinda to stay in power for an additional eight years. Some might say that it is as well early to predict the defeat of Mahinda as billions are spent on Mahinda’s campaign and seek blessings of gods not only of Sri Lanka  but also of India. I talked to numerous in different parts in the country over the telephone during the last two weeks. Almost all the educated men and women stated that a adjust was necessary and they would vote for Maithri.

Now millions of individuals are eagerly waiting for the dawn of new era after January 8 next year. In the occasion Ranil decided to challenge Mahinda as his main opponent at the forthcoming election, there is little doubt that the tiny democracy we still have, would be buried by Mahinda throughout his third term. Even although Ranil’s  uncle, JR Jayewardene&#8216s constitution and rule paved the way for the destruction of the country, Ranil did a great service to the country by his sacrifice and determined assistance to Maithri and agreeing to the road map of the Opposition for a far better tomorrow. Therefore I do not hesitate to name Mr. Ranil Wicremesinghe as the Man of the Year. I think tens of thousands of Sri Lankans would  agree with me.

By Rajiva Wijesinha –

Prof. Rajiva Wijesinha MP

Enemies of the President’s Promise: Mahinda Rajapaksa and the Seven Dwarfs – Grumpy five

I also suggested, as occurred in Pakistan, the establishment of ordinary schools by the military, or taking more than the management of existing schools in regions where the military had a presence. This had been crucial in Pakistan, exactly where the public education technique had been inadequate in rural regions where there have been military cantonments. The army had for that reason begun schools to cater to the kids of military personnel, and these had been then opened to the public too for a fee.

Sri Lanka however, getting had a good public education program, had not initially needed such establishments while, the nation becoming modest, military personnel had not normally had their households with them when they were stationed away from Colombo, given that standard visits were achievable. But although coordinating on behalf of Sabaragamuwa University the degree programme at the Sri Lanka Military Academy in Diyatalawa, I had noticed how a lot a lot more content material have been the officers whose wives and youngsters had been with them. This was attainable only when the kids were really young, since later on it was believed important that they be admitted to excellent schools in Colombo, provided the inadequacies of rural schools. But it struck me then that the SLMA could effortlessly take charge of one or two nearby schools in Diyatalawa, something I had certainly suggested for Sabaragamuwa University and the regional college in Belihuloya, since I saw how my academic colleagues suffered from possessing to send their youngsters to schools in bigger towns.

Offered the commitment of the much more sophisticated parents who would now be sending their kids to the local school, the normal of education there would boost, to the advantage too of the regional children. And the managing institution would make sure that vital subjects, such as English and Mathematics and Science, which have been grossly neglected in a lot of rural schools, would be properly taught.

Gotabaya

The Ministry of Defence had indeed taken more than 1 college soon after the war, but this was in Colombo. But my suggestion as to this and other initiatives was not taken up, with Gotabaya laconically telling me that he would have to face even far more criticism with regard to what was described as militarism. Later nonetheless, soon after a paper I developed for a Defence Seminar, he told me to go ahead, but I explained that I could do practically nothing, it was the Kotelawala Defence University and other military bodies that had to take the lead – though the KDU, offered its civilian agenda, was uniquely positioned to move in this matter with out criticism.

I did then take up the matter with the KDU but, probably because it had to work via civilian academics in many regions, there was hardly any progress on the matter. One particular Department did produce great concepts with regard to the coaching of health-related support staff, but that alone was not adequate, and quickly I was not in a position, having protested about what happened at Weliweriya, to pursue the thought. I was put off, albeit really politely, with regard to a paper I had been asked to prepare for a symposium, and the Commandant later indicated wryly that the Secretary had not been pleased about my signing the petition.

I knew this, simply because he had in truth called me up and shouted at me for obtaining, as he put it, signed one thing along with enemies of the government. He did grant that what had happened was incorrect, but his point was that I was obtaining involved with these who had been intrinsically opposed to the government. I did not believe this was the case, and indeed I had toned down the initial draft which had thrown the blame for the incident on him almost personally, but I could understand his irritation. But I was shocked and saddened that he should have embargoed my participation in seminars organized by the military, simply because these had been amongst the most constructive in the current past, in a context in which Sri Lanka had no actual think tanks.

Indeed, just soon after the incident at Weliweriya, ahead of I signed the protest, I had presented a paper at the recently established Officer Career Development Centre at Buttala, on the website of 1 of the Affiliated University Colleges exactly where, twenty years earlier, I had coordinated the English course. I had discovered the senior officers there as worried as I was about the reality that the army had opened fire on civilians. They as well recognized how undesirable this was for their reputation, due to the fact it would lend strength to these who claimed that the forces had targeted civilians deliberately in the war against the LTTE.

My continuing belief is that the senior officers nicely understood the guidelines of war and had worked in accordance with them throughout the war. Right after the war I had personal knowledge about how positive they were about the civilians they were in charge of. For instance, 1 of the toughest generals for the duration of the war, Kamal Guneratne, who was head of the Safety Forces in Vavuniya, and accountable for the Welfare Centre exactly where the displaced population had been housed, proved astonishingly liberal about releasing the vulnerable, even even though he was told that many security checks have been essential ahead of this could be accomplished. And as noted previously, when efforts have been created to delay the resettlement Basil Rajapaksa was attempting to expedite, the generals in the field ignored the order they had received to recheck civilians and sent them back to their locations of residence as rapidly as possible.

So too it was civilians with a pluralistic outlook whom they invited to their seminar discussions. At Buttala for instance they known as on members of the LLRC, who had been typically blacklisted by the Lakshman Kadirgamar Institute for International Relations and Strategic Research, which was run by the Ministry of External Affairs. Serious discussion was impossible there, whereas at both Buttala and the KDU, and the Training Centre that one more quite bright general had set up at Kilinochchi, the former capital of the LTTE, open and frank discussion was encouraged.

It was tragic then that, as time passed, Gotabhaya seemed to harden and prevent his senior officers from developing, together with liberal civilians, programmes that would have promoted reconciliation. Provided both continuing security requirements, and the comparative efficiency of the military, there was no doubt that they necessary to remain active in the North. But techniques and means could have been found of avoiding a heavy handed strategy, and promoting civilian leadership which the military could support, rather than seeming to impose itself as an independent authority. The synergy that military coaching engendered within the forces appears to have been avoided with regard to the Tamil population of the North, and the impression that Gotabaya saw them as outsiders, not folks he ought to care about as equals, became entrenched.

***

That he held related views about the Muslims had also become clear. Certainly his presentation of himself as the champion of the chauvinists crystallized by way of his association with a group that targeted the Muslims. This was the Bodhu Bala Sena, the Buddhist Strike Force, which started in 2013 to engage in a vicious and violent campaign against Muslims.

Matters came to a head in this regard when, in June 2014, right after some preliminary skirmishes, they provoked violent action against Muslims in the Aluthgama location, at the southern end of the Western Province, with the police taking neither preventive nor restraining action. Both the President and Gotabaya had been out of the country at the time, which highlighted the absurdity of a situation in which the country had an octogenarian Prime Minister with out the capacity to feel or take choices.

There had been all sorts of conflicting stories about what had occurred, which includes the claim that Gotabaya had in truth ordered the police to make sure much better control, but this had been ignored. Undoubtedly the President behaved much better than his counterpart JR Jayewardene had done in 1983 when there was violence against Tamils. But the plain reality was that the BBS had been permitted to engage in provocative rhetoric and the police had completed practically nothing to stop the rioting that followed.

The President’s responses afterwards indicated that he was in a state of confusion, and was not becoming presented with the whole picture. Firstly he claimed that some Muslims were certainly trying to take up arms, which echoed each the claim by the safety establishment that there had been efforts to start off a jihadi movement in the nation and the assertion by the BBS leader that, because some Muslim politicians have been attempting to establish a Gaza strip in Sri Lanka, they would respond like the Israelis.

Such echoes of Gotabaya’s fascination with the Israelis possibly explains why the President had not been told that Muslims in his own celebration had requested that the BBS rally be banned. He claimed that they had only gone to the affected region afterwards, but this was belied by a Muslim Minister in whom he had wonderful trust, who confirmed that his plea had been ignored.

Second, the President granted that, regardless of the Muslim extremism he alleged, the BBS was a dangerous organization, but claimed that it was funded by the Americans and the Norwegians to destabilize the government. Certainly it was accurate that BBS personnel had, before the movement was set up, received some Norwegian funding, but it was also true that they had been patronized by the Secretary of Defence. The President claimed that Gotabaya had only attended a meeting at which the BBS was present at his request, but that did not explain why what Gotabaya said seemed to echo the chauvinist sentiments of the BBS. And it was at odds with the claim of the BBS leader that it was the Norwegian they have been associated with, a shadowy figure the Embassy, which was a lot more transparent in its activities, need to have been wary about, who had asked that Gotabaya be invited as the Chief Guest. The President surely had no answer to the question why, if the Americans were engaged in a programme aimed at weakening the government, Gotabaya so readily fell into their trap.

Despite his criticism of the BBS, the President insisted that he could take no action, since he thought the Buddhist clergy would protest. This was nonsense, due to the fact several top Buddhist monks had spoken out against the BBS. It was also nonsense to claim that he would be accused of being a dictator if he were firm, offered that it was precisely those who felt that civil liberties were becoming eroded who urged making use of the complete force of the law against the violent agenda of the BBS.

But, assuming that the President was not himself involved in the move to heighten tensions, it seemed clear that he felt himself straitjacketed. Given that he seemed convinced that it was only hardliners he could rely on electorally, he was clearly not going to take action against such extremists with elections due quickly. And doubtless he would be held to this position, given that Gotabaya had announced an intention to enter politics, combining this with the assertion that he would do considerably much better than current politicians. So, although he couched this apparent modify of thoughts in terms of willingness to satisfy a request of the President, if he made 1, he was creating no bones about the truth that he subscribed to the mythology of his outstanding capacities.

Freedom on the Net 2014 – the fifth annual complete study of world wide web freedom around the globe, covering developments in 65 nations that occurred between May possibly 2013 and May 2014 –found 3 essential issues concerning Sri Lanka&#8217s internet freedom and named Sri Lanka&#8217s &#8220Press Freedom 2014 status&#8221 as &#8220Not Cost-free&#8221.

According the report, published on Thursday by the US-based Freedom Residence, the important developments in Sri Lanka amongst Could 2013 – May possibly 2014 are

By Granville Perera –

Mahindanada Aluthgamage, Minister of sports along with Dr Ramesh Pathirana MP and son of former Education Minister Richard Pathirana representing the government in the Wadapitiya tv debate on Derana Television in the evening of December 03,  2014 walked out of a live programme following a phone caller questioned Aluthgamage on his integrity and the charges of bribery and corruption leveled against him. The caller was referring to the bribery charge made by his estranged wife to the bribery commission, which the caller claimed was not investigated. Without having responding to the charges, Mahindananda went on a verbal barrage and calling the caller a beggar, and abusing the media network that is owned by the daughter of a prominent minister and the campaign manager of the Mahinda Rajapaksa re-election media approach.

The Minister, in his arrogance possibly felt that he had the correct to criticize the Derana network for entertaining a phone call from an opposition phone-in participant who was questioning Aluthgamage’s conduct as a prominent member of the United Peoples Freedom Alliance, the current ruling party in Sri Lanka. In his uncontrolled verbal abuse, the minister went to the extent of accusing the network of having a pact with the opposition United National Party. He wanted the network to change its logo to the elephant symbol, (the party symbol of the opposition united national celebration) as the Tv network’s logo. He threatened the caller with legal action for questioning him on his integrity. What Aluthgamage failed to recognize is that as a people’s representative, he is answerable to the folks – in a genuine democracy. Is this a sign of the Government members panicking at the believed of an opposition victory where they could be brought to justice?

Like many members of the ruling party, there have been critical allegations of corruption levelled against Sri Lanka cricket and other sports bodies in Sri Lanka, that come below Minister Aluthgamage’s purview. Further, severe charges of soliciting sex from female cricket players were levelled at senior officials of Sri Lanka cricket. Investigations in to these have never ever noticed the light of day.

Aluthgamage’s behaviour is standard of the present political arrogance of the ruling party members. He went on to say that the existing government had issued the broadcast license to the Derena Television Network hence they must not entertain any criticism against the government or any of its members. What Aluthgamage have to be assuming is that broadcast frequencies of the nation are the

Private home of the ruling celebration. What a sad state of affairs for independent media.

It was certainly disgusting to see a supposedly educated member of parliament, who claims to be a solution of a single of the most major and distinguished schools in Colombo showing his arrogance and intimidating independent media, or supposedly independent media. However, the government of the day has managed to intimidate the entire media landscape in to submission. This is primarily since of the huge advertising budget that is controlled by the government, which belongs to the state lotteries board, state insurance coverage companies, banks, and other state advertisers. Further, they are also capable to control what goes on air in the private media by means of the intimidation of the corporate sector, thereby ensuring that criticism of the government is non-existent. Further, a number of journalists have been killed, numerous physically attacked and hundreds driven in to exile. The Sirasa Tv network and the Siyata Television network were set on fire, and up to date, no inquiry has been conducted and no a single has been arrested for the violence.

The tragedy with the Sri Lankan private media, particularly the electronic ones is that they are controlled by company interest’s that have enormous non media associated contracts with the government. Any criticism of the government or its representatives will spell disaster to their organization interests and state contracts.

The want for independent media is the priority of the hour that would not be controlled by other company interest. Successive governments blatantly manage the state media, which is supposed to be the public service media. Government stooges who have definitely no specialist experience or knowledge are employed to manage essential positions in these institutions. This ensures that only the state voice is heard and nothing at all else.

The blatant abuse of the Sri Lanka Broadcasting Corporation, the Sri Lanka Rupavahini Corporation and the independent Television Network by the government is a disgrace to broadcasting norms. The public tv networks are taken more than and employed as the ruling party’s network by appointing Government stooges as heads of these institutions. There are radio and tv programmes that abuse simple broadcasting ethics on a daily basis. In the Sri Lanka Broadcasting Corporations, the Chairman goes on air each and every morning and hurls abuse and filth on any person who has dared to criticize the government or its policies.  Nowhere in the globe, not even in the most despotic states would a chairman of a media institution go on air on a everyday basis, hurl abuse and use raw filth on a national network. Regretfully, no one has taken this up in the courts of law almost certainly being aware of the justice one particular would obtain from a flawed justice method.

As portion of President Rajapaksa’s election campaign, all heads of media intuitions who were part of his election campaign in 2010 have been re-appointed to take charge of the presidents 2015 election campaign. Their continual theme is foreign conspiracy, NGO dollars and traitors of the nation. Thus is the state of enterprise in the “Miracle of Asia”

By Rajiva Wijesinha –

Prof. Rajiva Wijesinha MP

Enemies of the President’s Promise: Grumpy 2 

So his attitude seemed to harden with the passing years. Also, sadly, even though he may possibly not have been ambitious himself, he seemed to see himself as the principal guardian of the victory the forces had won, with an obligation consequently to block the way of these who have been anxious to give more political powers to Tamil politicians. Even though, beneath threat from the LTTE, some of these had seemed to subscribe to the LTTE ideology, in reality most Tamil politicians have been moderates who have been relieved that the LTTE had been vanquished. They had been prepared to disavow terrorism as well as separatism, but they have been anxious to exercising political energy in predominantly Tamil regions, at least in terms of the Provincial Councils Act of 1987. But these who had been opposed to even that restricted devolution, on the grounds that it would inevitably lead to separatism, saw Gotabaya as their champion, and he came in time to articulate their views with increasing  assertiveness.

An intense instance of this came when, in 2013, with the President creating preparations to have the lengthy delayed Provincial Council election in the North, he declared publicly that it must not be held. Ironically, according to the President, he had been in favour of holding those elections a handful of years earlier, quickly after the war ended, which would have been a sensible move, and would have led to a greater result for the government. It was Basil then who had insisted on delay, on the grounds that his building programme would make sure far more and more assistance for the government. But by 2013, far more perceptive maybe than Basil about political realities in the area, possibly realizing also how he had contributed to increasing unpopularity, he came out strongly against having a poll. And normally this  occurred while a single of the more extreme coalition partners of the government, which was seen as close to Gotabaya, had introduced a Bill to amend the Provincial Councils Act so as to water down their powers. So powerful did this mixture appear, even although the evidence of elections had made it clear they had minimal common help, that it was feared the President would back down.

But he went ahead and elections have been held. The TNA won handsomely, with the determination of the Tamils to vote against government increased perhaps by what seemed sturdy arm techniques on the component of the forces against a candidate who was identified closely with the LTTE. She did remarkably properly, which may possibly properly have been predicted.

This tends to make one particular wonder why the forces ought to have got involved, and certainly it was so foolish an action, had been they the perpetrators, that a single wonders whether or not she herself had arranged the attack, provided that only she could advantage. Nevertheless there had been preceding situations of such folly on the portion of the forces, as when a meeting of the TNA had been attacked some months previously.

That incident was bizarre, due to the fact by the time the violence occurred the TNA representatives had completed speaking and left, and till then, they stated, what were clearly soldiers in mufti had behaved with restraint. When I asked the Jaffna District Forces Commander what had happened, he said that his orders to behave properly had been disobeyed, as a result of provocation by one of the later speakers, a Sinhalese member of a little radical celebration. But I could not comprehend why he did not then take forceful disciplinary action. Apart from the reality that soldiers must under no circumstances react violently against civilians unless they are themselves in grave danger, it was feasible that there were members of the forces who had no affection for the government, nor for Tamils (following the strategy of Sarath Fonseka ahead of his conversion), and they had no qualms consequently about aggression that could bring the government into disrepute. Government was only playing into their hands by refraining from disciplining them.

But Gotabaya seemed beyond such considerations, in what seemed wholehearted endorsement of what the forces did. Another instance of this occurred in Weliweriya, in the Gampaha District, where the forces opened fire on some demonstrators and killed a couple of young men. It was argued that the demonstrators had intended to provoke, which was doubtless accurate, but that did not clarify why the forces reacted as the provocateurs wanted. And even though Gotabaya granted that the incident was regrettable and required to be looked into, it was not apparent that disciplinary action was in fact taken against those accountable for undue violence. Certainly, as usual, the report of the inquiry that was held was not created public, nor any action taken on the basis of that report publicized.

Matters were complicated by the army insistence on secrecy with regard to such disciplinary proceedings. As a result, when the LLRC report came out, and the Army Commander appointed a Commission to look into matters it had raised, he kept the matter quiet. I told him that he should at least publicize the reality that an inquiry was getting performed, but he mentioned that was not their practice. Predictably, when a couple of months later he told an American envoy what was getting carried out, there was a newspaper report to the impact that, below American stress, an inquiry was being performed.

I utilised to think it was simply a foolish and unthinking adherence to British practice, that the British themselves had changed, which led to such secrecy. But I recognize also that this is an easy way of in fact avoiding critical action. If what is done is not produced public, then it is extremely easy to do nothing, or extremely small. Definitely there appears to be no proof that the forces have taken disciplinary action commensurate with obvious breaches, or have looked systematically into the abuses as to which, according to the LLRC report, there are credible allegations.

So Sri Lanka finds itself beneath continuing suspicion. Whilst I think we have to resist efforts to have international investigations (not least due to the fact the manner in which the Darusman Panel carried out itself leaves open to query both the motives and the methodology of those who will be imposed upon us), our internal investigations should be credible. This indicates that they need to be conducted not by the forces, but by an independent panel. That we have amply certified men and women for this goal is apparent from not just the LLRC (which those opposed to us said previously would be a whitewash) but from the Udalagama Commission which looked into the Trincomalee incident amongst other folks. The failure of government to publish the report of that Commission testifies each to the objectivity of the report and the incapacity of government to deal with anything that does not conform to its personal myopic perspectives.

In this regard Gotabaya Rajapaksa’s determination to defend his forces from any criticism, regardless of what they might have carried out, may possibly in the end prove decisive in ensuring the good results of the campaign to denigrate Sri Lanka and its government. This in turn will set the seal on the failure of the Rajapaksa government to market reconciliation within the nation and thus construct sustainable peace following its military victory. But Gotabaya would cite precedent for his intransigence, namely the approach of the Israelis, whom he sees as a model with regard to dealing with terrorism. Undoubtedly the new settlements that are getting introduced in the North, even if not as blatant and widespread as what the Israeli government has perpetrated in Palestinian lands, appear primarily based on the Israeli approach to making sure handle of a recalcitrant minority.

Gotabaya could cite precedent also for ignoring UN reports, given how the Israelis dealt with the Goldstone report. But the concept that Sri Lanka can perform as Israel does is preposterous, provided that we do not have the help of the Americans, who have created it clear that they will nullify any international criticism of Israel. And of course Gotabaya’s approach goes hand in hand with actions designed to alienate India, which might have supplied some sort of a shield against international condemnation, even if not as thorough a one particular as the Americans furnish Israel with.

This continuous jibing at Inda led most not too long ago for example to a far more than generally flagrant insult to India in a column by Shenali Waduge, who has turn into the commentator of choice on the Defence website. That, which was run by specialists during the conflict, turned into a loose cannon afterwards, dedicated it seemed to advertising the Secretary to the Ministry, whose public appearances and pronouncements had been offered prominence – quite unlike what had happened previously, when he had been content material to stay in the background. Then, a couple of years back, Shenali Waduge was found, and featured prominently, as she also is in government newspapers.

On this newest occasion the Indian Higher Commission had protested, and the write-up was removed. This was accompanied by an ‘unqualified apology’ and the claim that the article ‘had been published with out appropriate authorization and not reflecting any official position of the Government of Sri Lanka or Ministry of Defence and Urban Development’.

This is unlikely to convince anyone, not least because the report had been accompanied by a ridiculous cartoon, which was not the operate of Ms Waduge. And the reality that she, and those expressing related viewpoints, have been featured prominently on the website as effectively as in government newspapers, is not likely to have escaped the notice of the Indian government.

My attention had been drawn to this phenomenon a couple of years back by an Indian journalist who had covered the conflict, and whose balanced reporting had produced it clear that our forces had not behaved in the appalling manner they have been accused of. She expressed regret that the Sri Lankan government was so negative about India, and when I said I did not believe this was the case, she pointed out the a lot of articles attacking India that seemed to have official sanction. I did raise the concern subsequently when the management of the Related Newspapers of Ceylon appeared prior to the Parliamentary Committee on Public Enterprises, and asked if this was policy. To my relief I was supported by practically all other members of the Committee, no matter whether from government or opposition, although one mentioned that we had a proper to defend ourselves when attacked. But when I pointed out that the Indian government, far from attacking us, had supported us solidly in our fight against terrorism, he too granted my point.

The Secretary to the Ministry mentioned there was no policy at all to attack India, and later thanked me for the intervention and stated it would aid him to exercise some control. But he proved powerless, for the attacks continued. Clearly the influence of the Defence Ministry, and the Minister of External Affairs who took his cues from Gotabaya, was as well powerful for him. The sniping continued, and Shenali Waduge, joined in 2014 by Senaka Weeraratne who had worked at the Peace Secretariat but whom I had had to restrain because of his chauvinism, which was expressed with astonishing insensitivity, became the most publicized writers in government publications. Denying them following they had been provided excessive publicity was a foolish step. Some sort of remedial action is required, and it is to be hoped that Gotabaya, or the President if Gotabaya believes he can get away with this sort of behavior again, calls a halt to such effusions in state outlets.