
–
“Neither a man nor a crowd nor a nation can be trusted to act humanely or to think sanely under the influence of a great fear” – Bertrand Russell (Unpopular Essays)
The malignant police response to the peaceful vigil organised by the Facebook group, ‘Buddhists Questioning Bodu Bala Sena’ proved one fact beyond doubt – the BBS is a protected species, protected by the Rajapaksas. According to video footage, the police acted as if they were the private army of the BBS, threatening and harassing the participants of the vigil. Clearly the police were under orders to display a zero-tolerance towards these non-violent protestors – just as they were under orders to employ a laissez-faire demeanour towards the mob attacking Fashion Bug.
The BBS will be above the law, so long as it does the Rajapaksas’ work.
The toxic conduct of the BBS can ignite an anti-Muslim Black July, jeopardise Colombo’s relations with the Islamic world and inflict a new war on Sri Lanka. Given these deadly potentialities, the order to protect and facilitate the BBS (and its offshoots) would have had to come from the very top. Gotabhaya Rajapaksa might be the Godfather of the BBS, but he could not have extended consistent patronage to an organisation trying to incite a Buddhist-Muslim conflict without the approval of his brother, the President.
According to video footage, the police acted as if they were the private army of the BBS
Ethnic overdetermination died with the Tiger. The Siblings need a new (ethno-religious) overdetermination to prevent their Sinhala base from focusing on socio-economic issues (such as the electricity hike which will have a punitive impact on the poor/middle classes while shielding the rich). Fear of an ‘Islamic threat’ can reduce the Sinhala masses into a state of infantile compliance and make them respond to iniquitous economic-shocks with resignation rather than anger.
What about the possible loss of Islamic support, internationally? Perhaps the question should be approached from a different angle. The Rajapaksas need Islamic support because they are having problems with the West on democracy/human rights/accountability issues. If the West discards these concerns and welcomes the Rajapaksas into its fold,Colombowould not need Islamic allies.
Then there is the Magnitsky Act.
Last week, the Obama Administration imposed a travel-cum-asset ban on 12 Russian officials accused of rights violations under the Magnitsky Act. The EU plans to enact its own Magnitsky Act. Imposing generalised sanctions on a country for the crimes of its leaders amounts to collective punishment; it is unjust and ineffective – because the costs are borne not by the leaders but by the people. Laws such as the Magnitsky Act can localise punitive measures to miscreant-leaders/officials and ensure that ordinary people do not have to pay for the sins of their rulers.
Both Gotabhaya and Basil Rajapaksa are US citizens. They cannot but have properties and bank accounts in their adopted country. When President Rajapaksa needs medical help, his preferred option is the US, not China or Russia. The mere thought of the Magnitsky Act being applied against Lankan leaders/officials would thus be a nightmare for all three Siblings. Such a development may take years, but the Rajapaksas would want to take preventive measures early on, given what is at stake for them personally.
The Rajapaksas do not want to become Asian Chavezes. If there is an international model they might want to emulate it is of those Third World despots who were/are welcome in the West, despite innumerable tyrannical deeds.
How to build bridges to the West without abandoning the despotic measures necessary to maintain familial rule – that would be the Rajapaksa Gordian Knot.
One method is image-laundering. Since the Rajapaksa diplomatic and propaganda apparatuses are not up to the task of creating an Orwellian counter-reality, the job is being outsourced to Two American lobbying firms: the Majority Group and the Thompson Advisory Group (TAG). The TAG had only one reported client in 2012; its annual reported income was a measly US$ 80,000[i];Sri Lanka will pay this nonentity US$ 66,600 per month! The Majority Group seems so tiny that it does not have to disclose its lobbying details (firms with an annual income less than US$ 10,000 are exempt);Sri Lanka will pay this firm US$ 50,000 per month!
The urgent Rajapaksa need to mend fences with Washington might also explain another curious development: the BBS’s sudden American visit.
The BBS’s interest in sprucing-up its image is understandable. But why commence that image-remaking effort in theUS, a country with a Christian-majority, the home base of Evangelical churches the BBS loves to hate?
The BBS in America
The Rajapaksas continue to target their opponents/critics; the Uthayan paper was attacked, again, and the Sirisa TV was threatened, again. They have no intention of implementing the democratising recommendations of their own LLRC. They seem to be intent on either postponing the Northern provincial election or winning it by force.
They want to do all this without jeopardising the Commonwealth Summit. And they must escape the Magnitsky Act.
During the Cold War decades, the adoption of neo-liberal economics and anti-left politics sufficed for anyThird Worlddespot to become the darling of the West. Currently, a country which is anti-democratic can win Western favour only if it is seen as a target of ‘Islamic terrorism’.
Immediately after the horrendous Bostonbombing, a website notorious for rightwing insanities carried an article[ii] which blamed an Iran-Al Qaeda combine and mentioned Sri Lanka as a conduit state. According to the article’s unnamed source, Iran’s Quds Forces are collaborating with “Hezbollah and elements of al-Qaida with links to individuals in Sri Lanka and Bangladesh. He said that under Quds Force guidance, Hezbollah recruited Sunni terrorists allied with al-Qaida factions in Sri Lanka and Bangladesh who then entered the US for terrorist activities”[iii].
Given the schisms within Islam (which cause far more murderous violence than anti-Americanism), a nexus between the Shia Iran/Hezbollah and the Sunni Al Qaeda is as impossible as Mahayanism being welcomed inSri Lankaby the BBS. But this is the sort of insane conspiracy theory which is beloved by fanatics of every religion.
And such myths are used to justify the targeting of ethnic/religious/racial ‘Other’ as the anti-Semites did with the ‘Protocols of the Elders of Zion’ hoax.
One can easily imagine a meeting of minds between the purveyors of such delusions in the US and their saffron-robed Lankan counterparts.
The Obama administration does not subscribe to the myth of an anti-Islam civilisational conflict, but a future Republican administration (fortunately an unlikely possibility) might. Islamophobia is a powerful politico-ideological current within the Republican Party. Republican Islamophobes believe that “Islamic Sharia Law is creeping into American courts; the Department of Justice has come under the sway of the Muslim Brotherhood; and the President’s engagement ring includes secret writing that indicates Muslim loyalties…. in August delegates at the Republican National Convention voted to include a plank in their platform affirming their opposition to Sharia law” (Mother Jones – 3.1.2013). The Republican Party therefore would be far more receptive to Rajapaksa overtures, if the Siblings can portray themselves as warriors battling the ‘Islamic Threat’.
Is this the message the BBS is expected to convey to the Republican right, at the grassroots level, during its American sojourn?[iv]
[i] http://www.opensecrets.org/lobby/firmsum.php?id=D000057582&year=2012
[ii] The author of the article is Reza Kahlili, a self proclaimed CIA spy who in 2010 claimed that Iran “will attack Israel, European capitals, and the Persian Gulf region at the same time, then they will hide in a bunker (until a religious prophesy is fulfilled)…and kill the rest of the non-believers” (Washhington Post – 7.12.2010).Iran manifestly did not.
[iii] http://www.wnd.com/2013/04/u-s-was-warned-of-terror-attacks/ The World Net Daily is an ultra-right website infamous for its promotion of such delusions as the ‘Birther story’.
[iv] The BBS monks may have been deployed at least once previously on an unofficial diplomatic mission. Sometime in 2011, Rev. Galagoda-Atte Gnanasara Thero led a delegation to Norway. According to the CEO of the BBS, a purpose of the visit was to meet some of the hardline Tamil Diaspora groups. Why should Rev. Gnanasara et al, who relentlessly attack Tamil moderates, go all the way to Norway to meet pro-Tiger Tamils?
by Shenali Waduge
–
The Commission to Investigate Allegations of Bribery or Corruption is required to carry out a key task. The elimination of corruption and impropriety in public office by using the legal powers given to it by law. It has an investigative arm and a prosecution arm which give it serious muscle by law.
Jagath Balapatabendi
However, several political commentators and legal experts contacted by The Colombo Telegraph, effectively emphasized that in order for such a Commission to achieve its desired objective of eliminating corruption, it is necessary for the Commission to be free of political interference. Such freedom is absent, after the 18th Amendment to the Constitution, which repealed the safeguards created by the 17th Amendment. At the moment, all appointment to key judicial and public offices is made at the sole whim of the Executive President (Mahinda Rajapaksa). There is a ‘Parliamentary Council’ created to give the President its views on the suitability of nominees, which has no teeth and can make no binding decision or veto. It is widely condemned as a mere cosmetic constitutional device of no functional use.
In this situation, the integrity and reliability of holders of the highest offices is often called in question. Appointed by political patronage to the Rajapaksa Regime, many key public and judicial officers blatantly engage in various types of conduct which are against international norms of integrity and propriety. According to a key political commentator spoken to by The Colombo Telegraph, they do so, secure in the knowledge that the Rajapaksa Regime will protect them, as long as they remain faithful and do the regime’s bidding.
Serious concerns have been raised in recent times that the Bribery Commission is now being abused to intimidate and harass political opponents and falling out of grace with the Rajapaksa Regime.
In this background, the latest scandal is the revelation that retired Supreme Court Judge D. Jagath De S. Balapatabendi who as Chairman of the Bribery Commission is required to be independent of involvements or interests in relation to private sector companies, has acted as an arbitrator in a commercial dispute. The propriety of his functioning simultaneously as an arbitrator while being Chairman, Bribery Commission has been challenged, in a petition to the High Court of Colombo on the grounds that it is contrary to public policy.
In Case No. HC (Civil) WP 64/2013/ARB, the Petitioner (Delmege Forsyth & Co. Ltd.), seeks to have an award made on 20th February 2013 by a private arbitral tribunal presided over by Rtd. Justice D. J. De S. Balapatabendi after hearings conducted while holding the office of Chairman, Bribery Commission set aside. It is urged that the award is perverse and requires to be set aside as being contrary to public policy.
Here is the full text of the Petition, which is self-explanatory:
IN THE HIGH COURT OF THE WESTERN PROVINCE
SITTING IN COLOMBO
IN THE EXERCISE OF ITS CIVIL JURISDICTION
YCC EXPORTERS LIMITED
No. 133/8, Gothami Road
Rajagiriya
CLAIMANT
Vs.
DELMEGE DISTRIBUTORS (PVT) LTD.
No. 101, Vinayalankara Mawatha
Colombo 10.
RESPONDENT
AND NOW
In the matter of an Application to set aside Arbitral Awards in terms of Section 32 of the Arbitration Act No. 11 of 1995
DELMEGE FORSYTH & CO. LTD., with which Company DELMEGE DISTRIBUTORS (PVT) LTD., is now amalgamated with,
and of No. 101, Vinayalankara Mawatha
Colombo 10.
RESPONDENT-PETITIONER
H.C. (Civil) WP Case No. 64/2013/ARB Vs.
YCC EXPORTERS LIMITED
No. 133/8, Gothami Road
Rajagiriya
CLAIMANT-RESPONDENT
On this 5th day of April 2013
The Petition of the Respondent-Petitioner abovenamed appearing by Yamuna Balasuriya, Attorney-at-Law, practising under the name, style and firm of V. W. Kularatne Associates and her Professional Assistant, Vijayalakshmi Deepani Niroshini Wijesekera, its Attorneys-at-Law, states as follows:
1. The Respondent-Petitioner abovenamed (hereinafter sometimes referred to as the “Petitioner”) was a Company duly incorporated under the laws of Sri Lanka and has its Office at the aforementioned address, and on 13th June 2012 the Delmege Distributors (Pvt) Ltd., the Respondent in the Arbitration referred to herein was amalgamated with Delmege Forsyth & Co. Ltd., at the same aforesaid address, within the jurisdiction of Your Honour’s Court. The management control and majority Shareholdings of Delmege Forsyth & Co. Ltd. changed in or about June 2011.
A true copy of the Certificate of Amalgamation issued by the Registrar General of Companies dated 13th June 2012 is annexed hereto marked “P1”, pleaded as part and parcel hereof
2. The Claimant-Respondent abovenamed (hereinafter sometimes referred to as the “Respondent”) is a Company duly incorporated under the laws of Sri Lanka and has its Office at the aforementioned address, within the jurisdiction of Your Honour’s Court.
3. On or about 10th May 2007 a Memorandum of Understanding was entered into between the Respondent and the Petitioner, and in pursuant thereto on or about 28th May 2007 an Agreement was entered into between the Respondent and the Petitioner.
True copies of the said Memorandum of Understanding dated 10th May 2007 and the said Agreement dated 28th May 2007 are annexed hereto marked “P2” and “P3”, respectively, pleaded as part and parcel hereof
4.
(a) Under and in terms of the aforesaid Memorandum of Understanding [P2] and Agreement [P3] the Petitioner advanced to the Respondent a Loan of Rs. 20 Mn., of which Rs. 2 Mn., was advanced on 11th May 2007 upon the execution of the Memorandum of Understanding [P2], and the balance Rs. 18 Mn., was advanced on 28th May 2007 upon the execution of the said Agreement [P3], and the Respondent signed a Promissory Note dated 28th May 2007 promising to pay on demand the said Rs. 20 Mn., to the Petitioner.
A true copy of the said Promissory Note dated 28th May 2007 is annexed hereto marked “P4”, pleaded as part and parcel hereof
(b) It is evident that the Petitioner had advanced by way of Loans a substantial sum of Rs. 20 Mn., as had been required by the Respondent, obviously in circumstances of financial predicament, which the Respondent had been in.
5. Under and in terms of the said Memorandum of Understanding [P2] and Agreement [P3] –
(a) The Respondent appointed the Petitioner as the exclusive Licensee and Distributor of the products under the “Doctor Baby” Brand Name, claimed to have been owned by the Respondent.
(b) For the aforesaid Brand Name, the Petitioner was to pay to the Respondent a Royalty Fee of Rupees One Million Five Hundred Thousand (Rs. 1,500,000/-) per month or Ten Percent (10%) of the Net Sales Price, whichever is higher, in respect of each Month.
(c) The aforesaid Royalty Fee payable per Month was to be set-off as part repayments of the aforesaid Loan of Rupees Twenty Million (Rs. 20 Mn.) with interest thereon calculated at the market rate of interest to be determined by the Bank of the Petitioner being applied on the diminishing balance, after the recoupment of the Monthly Royalty Fee.
6.
(a) In terms of Clause 3(1) of the aforesaid Agreement [P3], the aforesaid Loan was to be re-paid with interest thereon calculated at the market rate of interest to be determined by the Bank of the Petitioner, which rate of interest had been confirmed to be 19% p.a., as evidenced by the confirmation Statement dated 29th February 2008 of the Respondent [P5].
(b) The said confirmation dated 29th February 2008 of the Respondent [P5] further confirmed the debt of Rs. 24,111,947/- as at 29th February 2008 by the Respondent to the Petitioner, with no debt, whatsoever, due to the Respondent from the Petitioner as at that date 29th February 2008.
A true copy of the said confirmation Statement dated 29th February 2008 is annexed hereto marked “P5”, pleaded as part and parcel hereof
7.
(a) Though the Agreement [P3] was entered into on 28th May 2007, due to practicalities, the actual operations of the arrangements contemplated under the said Agreement [P3] had not immediately commenced, and had commenced only subsequently.
(b) Among the reasons for the frustration of such commencement of operations immediately after entering into Agreement [P3] on 28th May 2007, had been;
(i) the inability on the part of the Respondent to have readily made available the products for distribution and sales by the Petitioner, inter-alia, due to the default of payments by them to their respective Suppliers of the products, and
(ii) also due to the absence of the requisite approvals therefor, which had to be obtained and provided by the Respondent from the Cosmetics, Devices & Drugs Regulatory Authority.
8.
(a) In such circumstances, as had been requested by the Respondent, the following further Loan Advances had been made by the Petitioner to the Respondent;
10th December 2007 – Rs. 1,500,000/-
26th March 2008 – Rs. 1,700,000/-
25th June 2008 – Rs. 750,000/-
Rs. 3,950,000/-
(b) The Statement [P5] dated 29th February 2008 given by the Respondent had confirmed that the Respondent owed the Petitioner Rs. 24,411,947/- as at 29th February 2008, having acknowledged the payment of Rs. 1,500,000/- on 10th December 2007, then described as Royalty, that too, only in the Month of December 2007, and not before; but later acknowledged by the Respondent on 25th June 2008 vide [P6] as a Loan as referred to at 8(a) hereinabove.
(c) Consequently in such circumstances, the Petitioner and Respondent by Letter dated 25th June 2008 [P6] had further jointly agreed as follows;
(i) for the Petitioner to make a minimum Royalty payment of Rs. 700,000/- per Month to the Respondent, until 10% of the actual Sales exceeded Rs. 700,000/- per Month, without making any recoupment from the aforesaid Loans.
(ii) that the Petitioner would recover from the Respondent monies on the aforesaid Loans of Rs. 20,000,000/- and Rs. 3,950,000/- , including the aforesaid payment made in December 2007, which had previously been described as Royalty and later treated as a Loan as aforesaid, from Royalties in excess of Rs. 700,000/- per Month.
(iii) that a total of Rs. 8,739,251/- (i.e. Rs. 206,137/- + Rs. 4,199,781/- + Rs. 4,333,333/-) was due to the Petitioner from the Respondent as at 30th June 2008, in addition to the aforesaid Loans of Rs. 23,950,000/-, and that nothing was due to the Respondent from the Petitioner as at 30th June 2008.
(iv) the said Letter dated 25th June 2008 [P6] jointly signed by the Petitioner and Respondent constituted an amendment to the Agreement [P3] dated 28th May 2007.
(v) accordingly the minimum Royalty payable of Rs. 1,500,000/- per Month as per Agreement [P3] dated 28th May 2007 had been abandoned by the aforesaid joint Letter dated 25th June 2008 [P6] stipulating a new minimum Royalty of Rs. 700,000/- per Month to be paid by the Petitioner to the Respondent, without any recoupment against the aforesaid Loans, and anything in excess of Rs, 700,000/- per Month up to 10%, as Royalty on the total sales, to be recouped as re-payments against the aforesaid Loans to the Petitioner.
A true copy of the said Letter dated 25th June 2008 is annexed hereto marked “P6”, pleaded as part and parcel hereof
(d) It is evident from the foregoing that the then prevalent Sales of the said “Doctor Baby” products of the Respondent had not been adequate enough to recoup the aforesaid Loans advanced by the Petitioner to the Respondent, as had been required by the Respondent to be recouped from the aforesaid future Royalties on the said Sales of the said “Doctor Baby” products of the Respondent, as had been contemplated in the Agreement [P3].
9.
(a) Thereafter several disputes had arisen between the Petitioner and the Respondent, resulting in the Petitioner terminating the aforesaid Agreement [P3], read together with joint Letter dated 25th June 2010 [P6], with effect from 30th June 2010 by the Petitioner’s Letter dated 31st March 2010 [P7], in terms of Clause 6(6) of the said Agreement [P3].
(b) The said termination of the Agreement [P3], read together with joint Letter dated 25th June 2010 [P6], being within a period of 5 years from the date of the said Agreement [P3] dated 28th May 2007, the following proviso of Clause 6(6) of the said Agreement [P3] came into force and operation;
“Provided if the Agreement is so terminated before the expiry of a period of Five years from the date hereof YCC shall refund all monies remaining in its hands out of the said sum of Rs.20,000,000/- to Delmege.”
(c) The said Agreement [P3] dated 28th May 2007 contained the following Clause 6(6):
“6(6) Delmege shall as any time during the currency of this Agreement have the right of terminating this Agreement by giving YCC Ninety (90) days written notice of such termination and upon termination or sooner determination of this Agreement, Delmege shall immediately cease the use of the Brand Name, unless it has purchased the same hereunder from YCC.
Provided if the Agreement is so terminated before the expiry of a period of Five years from the date hereof YCC shall refund all monies remaining in its hands out of the said sum of Rs.20,000,000/- to Delmege.” (Emphasis added)
(d) Thus, under and in terms of the said Clause 6(6), the Petitioner terminated the said Agreement [P3] dated 28th May 2007, read together with joint Letter dated 25th June 2010 [P6], with effect from 30th June 2010 i.e. after the effluxion of a period of 3 years and one month, which was before the expiry of a period of 5 years from the date of said Agreement [P3], whereupon the aforesaid proviso in Clause 6(6) came into force and operation.
A true copy of the Petitioner’s Letter dated 31st March 2010 terminating the said Agreement is annexed hereto marked “P7”, pleaded as part and parcel hereof
10. The said Agreement [P3] dated 28th May 2007 contained the following further Clauses:
(a) Clause 4(2)
“At the termination of this Agreement by efflux of time or the sooner determination thereof;
(a) any Royalty Fee remaining unsettled as aforesaid shall be paid and settled by Delmege to and on demand by YCC; and
(b) any, Royalty Fee paid in excess of the required amount remaining with YCC shall be refunded by YCC to Delmege on demand together with the aforesaid interest thereon; “
(b) Clause 4(4)
“At the termination this Agreement by efflux of time or the sooner determination thereof, Delmege may put the said Promissory Note in suit to recover any sums of money from and out of the Upfront Payment remaining unpaid by YCC hereunder and, if all such monies due have been paid and settled by YCC, then the said Promissory Note shall be returned to YCC by Delmege.”
(c) Clause 7(5)
“The termination of this Agreement by afflux of time or the sooner determination thereof as aforesaid shall not affect the rights of either of the parties hereto from claiming and recovering from the other of them all dues and properties that may have become payable or recoverable by the date of each termination or sooner determination. “
11. (a) Nevertheless, by Letter dated 10th June 2010, the Respondent, acting through Mahinda Ellepola, Attorney-at-Law, referred the matter for Arbitration, nominating Dudley A. Karunaratne, Retired High Court Judge, as the Sole Arbitrator, and giving 30 day’s notice to the Petitioner to nominate the Petitioner’s Arbitrator, if the Petitioner does not agree to a Sole Arbitrator.
eto marked “P8”, pleaded as part and parcel hereof
(b) Consequently, the Petitioner sent Letter of Demand dated 2nd July 2010 to the Respondent, claiming a sum of Rs. 24,045,280/44 from the Respondent.
A true copy of the said Letter of Demand dated 2nd July 2010 is annexed hereto marked “P9”, pleaded as part and parcel hereof
(c) Thereafter, the Petitioner by Letter dated 8th July 2010 addressed to the aforesaid Mahinda Ellepola, Attorney-at-Law for the Respondent, denied the allegations in the aforesaid Letter dated 10th June 2010 [P8] of the said Attorney-at-Law, as baseless and malicious, and stated that the Respondent had failed to duly comply with its obligations under the said Agreement [P3)], and reiterated its demand for the payment by the Respondent of Rs. 24,045,280/44 made by the aforesaid Letter of Demand dated 2nd July 2010 [P9], and subject thereto, nominated Kushan D’ Alwis, Attorney-at-Law, as the Petitioner’s Arbitrator.
A true copy of the said Letter dated 8th July 2010 is annexed hereto marked “P10”, pleaded as part and parcel hereof
12.
(a) Consequently, in terms of Section 6(3) of the Arbitration Act No. 11 of 1995, the retired Supreme Court Judge, D.J. de Silva Balapatabendi had been appointed, as an additional Arbitrator to act as the Chairman of the Arbitral Tribunal, as evidenced by Letter dated 4th August 2010 received from the Sri Lanka National Arbitration Centre.
A true copy of the said Letter dated 4th August 2010 is annexed hereto marked “P11”, pleaded as part and parcel hereof
(b) Accordingly, Arbitral Proceedings commenced at the Sri Lanka National Arbitration Centre, Colombo 2, within the jurisdiction of Your Honour’s Court.
(c) As at the date of the aforesaid appointment, as the Chairman Arbitrator, D.J. de Silva Balapatabendi had retired on or about 17th May 2010, as a Supreme Court Judge.
(d) Subsequently however, the said D.J. de Silva Balapatabendi had been appointed on or about 13th May 2011, as a Member of the Commission to Investigate Allegations of Bribery or Corruption in terms of Act No. 19 of 1994, and had been appointed as Chairman of the said Commission.
(e) In terms of Section 18 of the Commission to Investigate Allegations of Bribery or Corruption Act No. 19 of 1994, the said Chairman of the Commission, D.J. de Silva Balapatabendi was deemed to be a ‘public servant’, within the meaning of the Penal Code, which at Section 19 thereof defined a ‘public servant’.
13. (a) The Petitioner is advised that in the foregoing circumstances, the said Chairman of the Arbitral Tribunal, D.J. de Silva Balapatabendi having assumed Office, as the Chairman and Commission Member of the Commission to Investigate Allegations of Bribery or Corruption, became a ‘public servant’, as aforesaid, exercising executive and quasi-judicial power, and was thus and thereby ipso facto disqualified from functioning, as Chairman of a private Arbitral Tribunal, involving commercial disputes between private parties, and receiving payments therefor from the private parties.
(b) Unlike other ‘public servants’, Supreme Court Judges in Sri Lanka retire at the age of 65 years with 90% of the salary, allowances and other perquisites, so that such persons are not compelled to seek post retirement employment.
(c) Nevertheless, in this instance in terms of the Commission to Investigate Allegations of Bribery or Corruption Act No. 19 of 1994, retired Supreme Court Judges are appointed as Commission Members of the Commission to Investigate Allegations of Bribery or Corruption, with further lucrative allowances and perquisites.
14. (a) In the foregoing circumstances, the Petitioner is advised, that the Arbitral Tribunal ipso facto became improperly constituted and functus, with the appointment of the Chairman of the Arbitral Tribunal, D.J. de Silva Balapatabendi, as the Chairman and Member of the Commission to Investigate Allegations of Bribery or Corruption.
(b) As a consequence, the Arbitral Tribunal ipso facto becoming improperly constituted and functus as aforesaid on or about the said 13th May 2011, thus and thereby the Arbitral Awards made on 20th February 2013 by the said improperly constituted and functus Arbitral Tribunal were ipso facto ab-initio null and void and of no force or avail in law.
(c) The Petitioner ill-advisedly continuing to be a party in such Arbitration Proceedings, did not however or in any manner, whatsoever or howsoever, cure the aforesaid impropriety and the fact that the Arbitral Tribunal ipso facto became functus from around 13th May 2011 as aforesaid.
(d) It was the duty and obligation cast upon the said Chairman of the Arbitral Tribunal, D.J. de Silva Balapatabendi, a retired Supreme Court Judge, to have withdrawn from such Arbitral Tribunal immediately upon assuming Office, as Chairman and Commission Member of the Commission to Investigate Allegations of Bribery or Corruption.
15. (a) It was highly scandalous and of serious odium for the Chairman of the Commission to Investigate Allegations of Bribery or Corruption, exercising executive and quasi-judicial power to investigate and prosecute offences of bribery and corruption, to have involved himself to have chaired private disputes settlements, leaving himself exposed to be compromised by private parties, who make payment for his such services, as Chairman of a private Arbitral Tribunal.
(b) The ‘public perception’, which is vitally important of the independence of the Commission to Investigate Allegations of Bribery or Corruption, in the foregoing circumstances is susceptible to be seriously put in jeopardy.
(c) The foregoing was in serious conflict with the Public Policy of Sri Lanka, warranting the prompt setting aside, as ipso facto ab-initio null and void, the purported Arbitral Awards made on 20th February 2013 by the said improperly constituted and functus Arbitral Tribunal.
(d) Sri Lanka had ratified the UN Convention Against Corruption on 31st March 2004, which encompassed both the public and private sectors, whereby Sri Lanka stands obliged to duly observe, perform and fulfill the duties and obligations on its part under the UN Convention Against Corruption; more so it is imperative on the part of the Commission to Investigate Allegations of Bribery or Corruption to respect and conform to the duties and obligations under the UN Convention Against Corruption.
16. (a) Regardless of the foregoing, the said Arbitral Tribunal, chaired by D.J. de Silva Balapatabendi, Chairman of the Commission to Investigate Allegations of Bribery or Corruption, had continued to conduct Arbitration Proceedings, having previously entertained the Claim of the Respondent dated 31st August 2010.
A certified copy of said Claim dated 31st August 2010 is annexed hereto marked “P12”, pleaded as part and parcel hereof
(b) The Petitioner, as was obliged, responded by the Statement of Defence dated 8th October 2010, including its aforesaid Claim of Rs. 24,045,280/44 made by its aforesaid Letter dated 2nd July 2010 [P9] against the Respondent.
A certified copy of the said Statement of Defence dated 8th October 2010 is annexed hereto marked “P13”, pleaded as part and parcel hereof
18. (a) The aforesaid Arbitral Tribunal as had been notified by Letter dated 4th August 2010 [P11] had commenced Arbitration Proceedings, with the Statement of Claim dated 31st August 2010 [P12] having been tendered, and had proceeded to sit on or about 11 days up to 30th March 2011, at which point of time the Inquiry had commenced with proceedings having been had on two days.
(b) Thereafter, the aforesaid improperly constituted and functus Arbitral Tribunal had regardlessly proceeded to continue to conduct the said Arbitration Proceedings, with the Inquiry being continued on 20th May 2011, after the Chairman of the Arbitral Tribunal, D.J. de Silva Balapatabendi had assumed Office on or about 13th May 2011, as a Member and the Chairman of the Commission to Investigate Allegations of Bribery or Corruption, as aforesaid.
(c) Thus, the improperly constituted and functus Arbitral Tribunal had sat on or about 18 days thereafter conducting the said Inquiry, recording evidence, receiving Written Submissions, hearing Oral Submissions, and consequently had made Awards on 20th February 2013, whilst the Chairman of the Arbitral Tribunal, D.J. de Silva Balapatabendi, was at the very same time, also the Chairman of the Commission to Investigate Allegations of Bribery or Corruption.
Certified copies of a bundle of Documents consisting of all papers filed before the Arbitral Tribunal, including recorded evidence, oral and written submissions, are annexed hereto at the end, compendiously marked “P16”, pleaded as part and parcel hereof
(d) The Petitioner very respectfully reserves the right to tender any further relevant Documents, which would be material to assist Your Honour’s Court to adjudicate upon this matter.
(e) (i) Though the Respondent had held out, more particularly, as per Documents marked
P2 dated 10.5.2007
P3 dated 28.5.2007
P4 dated 28.5.2007
P5 dated 29.2.2008
P6 dated 25.6.2008
P8 dated 10.6.2010
P11 dated 4.8.2010
P12 dated 31.8.2010
that the Respondent was a Public Limited Liability Company without describing itself as a Private Limited Liability Company as mandatorily required in terms of Section 6 of the Companies Act No. 7 of 2007, which came into force on 3.5.2007, the Petitioner in endeavouring to obtain the Annual Accounts of the Respondent from the Registrar of Companies recently discovered that the Respondent was a Private Limited Liability Company, without describing itself correctly, in violation of the said mandatory requirement under Section 6 of the Companies Act No. 7 of 2007.
(ii) In the circumstances, the Petitioner having been unable to obtain copies of Annual Accounts of the Respondent, respectfully moves for an Order of Your Honour’s Court that the Petitioner be permitted to obtain copies of same from the Registrar of Companies and to tender the same to Your Honour’s Court for the proper adjudication of this matter.
(f) On the other hand, the Petitioner had correctly described itself as mandated, as a Private Limited Company under and in terms of Section 6 of the Companies Act No. 7 of 2007
18. (a) The Chairman of the Arbitral Tribunal, D.J. de Silva Balapatabendi, who was also the Chairman of the Commission to Investigate Allegations of Bribery or Corruption, with the Respondent’s Arbitrator, Dudley Karunaratne agreeing, had made a phenomenal baseless Award in favour of the Respondent, tantamounting to conjecture, without having taken any cognizance of the past actual financials of the Respondent, and amounting in total to Rs. 145.5 Mn., (Rs. 55.5 Mn., + Rs. 90 Mn.), having also questionably ignored the interest payable by the Respondent on the substantial aforesaid Loans amounting to Rs. 23,950,000/-, which had been advanced to the Respondent by the Petitioner, as per the aforesaid Agreement [P3], read with joint Letter dated 25th June 2008 [P6], as morefully set out hereinbelow.
(i) A Royalty payment of Rs. 1.5 Mn., per month from the date of Agreement [P3] of 28th May 2007 up to the date of termination of the Agreement [P3] on 30th June 2010 i.e. for 37 months, totaling Rs. 55.5 Mn., less the 3 Loans advanced of Rs. 3.95 Mn., referred to at paragraph 8 hereinbefore; without having taken into account the interest of 19% p.a. payable on such Loans as set out hereinbefore, and also intriguingly having chosen to ignore that the Respondent and Petitioner had, in fact, agreed by Letter dated 25th June 2008 [P6], to amend the said Agreement [P3] dated 28th May 2007 and that the Respondent had confirmed having owed monies to the Petitioner as at 30th June 2008, as set out at paragraph 8 hereinbefore.
(ii) In addition to the above, a further payment of damages purportedly based on the Royalty payments lost by the Respondent of Rs. 1.5 Mn., per month for another future 5 years i.e. for 60 months, making a total of Rs. 90 Mn., from which the aforesaid original Loan of Rs. 20 Mn., paid in May 2007 upon signing of Agreement [P3] had been deducted, that too, questionably without having taken into account the interest payable of 19% p.a. on such Loan as morefully set out hereinbefore; and furthermore without having examined the Respondent’s actual financials for a relevant period before the Petitioner entered into Agreement [P3] in May 2007 with the Respondent, and without having taken cognizance of the cogent fact that the Agreement [P3] stood amended by the joint Letter dated 25th June 2008 [P6].
(iii) Intriguingly, the foregoing interest payable of 19% p.a. had been omitted, notwithstanding the fact that the Petitioner’s Arbitrator, Kushan D’ Alwis in his dissenting Award had provided for such 19% p.a. interest payable by the Respondent to the Petitioner on the aforesaid Loans, which therefore the Chairman of the Arbitral Tribunal, D.J. de Silva Balapatabendi, and Respondent’s Arbitrator, Dudley Karunaratne would have been well and truly aware of.
(b) On the other hand, the Petitioner’s Arbitrator, Kushan D’ Alwis, Attorney-at-Law, dissenting with the foregoing phenomenal Award based on conjecture, had written a separate Order, awarding the Respondent in contrast Rs. 6.04 Mn.; that too, without having taken cognizance of the cogent fact that Agreement [P3] stood amended by the joint Letter dated 25th June 2008 [P6] and that the Respondent had thereby confirmed that the Respondent owed monies to the Petitioner as at 30th June 2008.
Certified copies of the aforesaid Award and the said dissenting Award are annexed hereto marked “P14(a)” and “P14(b)”, respectively,
together with Letter dated 4th April 2013 of Dissanayake Amaratunga Associates, Attorneys-at-Law annexed hereto marked “P15” confirming that they had not received Certified Copies of the aforesaid Awards dated 20th February 2013, even though the Proceedings before the Arbitral Tribunal of 20th February 2013 – vide [P16] had recorded thus in contravention of Section 25 (4) of Arbitration Act No. 11 of 1995
“The Registrar of the Arbitration Centre is directed to send certified copies of the Award and the Dissenting Order to the parties concerned by the registered post”
pleaded as part and parcel hereof
(c) (i) The Agreement [P3] dated 28th May 2007 in proviso at Clause 6(6) had specifically stipulated thus, which was applicable in this instant case:
Provided if the Agreement is so terminated before the expiry of a period of Five years from the date hereof YCC shall refund all monies remaining in its hands out of the said sum of Rs.20,000,000/- to Delmege.”
(ii) The Petitioner in its Statement of Defence [P13] dated 8th October 2010 had stated its Claim of Rs. 24,045,280/44 as had been demanded by its Letter dated 2nd July 2010 [P9] from the Respondent, with the Respondent having given the Petitioner a Promissory Note dated 28th May 2007 [P4].
(iii) Clause 2 (4) of the Agreement [P3] dated 28th May 2007 is given below:
“2(4) within a time period of five (05) years of signing this Agreement, agrees to sell outright and absolutely assign the Brand Name to Delmege in due form of Law for the price or consideration of United States Dollars Two Million (Rs. 2,000,000/-), if Delmege has notified YCC in writing of its intention to so purchase the Brand Name such notice to reach YCC at least fourteen (14) days prior to the intended date of purchase, it being declared and understood that if such notice is not received by YCC as aforesaid, YCC shall have the right to refuse to so sell the Brand Name to Delmege.”
The foregoing is in contravention of the Exchange Control Act, thereby raising the issue that Agreement [P3] is an illegal contract, and thus and thereby would be repugnant of and in conflict with Public Policy.
19. Being aggrieved with the said purported Arbitral Awards made on 20th February 2013 by the aforesaid improperly constituted and functus Arbitral Tribunal, the Petitioner very respectfully invokes the jurisdiction of Your Honour’s Court, and moves to have the said purported Arbitral Awards set aside, on the following, among other grounds, that may be urged by the Counsel for the Petitioner at the Hearing of this Application.
(a) The Chairman of the Arbitral Tribunal, D.J. de Silva Balapatabendi became disqualified from being a Member of the Arbitral Tribunal and Chairman thereof, upon assuming the public office of a quasi-judicial nature on or about 13th May 2011, as a Member and Chairman of the Commission to Investigate Allegations of Bribery or Corruption, thereby ipso facto disqualifying him to have continuing to be a Chairman of the Arbitral Tribunal.
(b) Thus and thereby on or about 13th May 2011 the foregoing rendered the Arbitral Tribunal to ipso facto become improperly constituted and functus, and whereby the aforesaid Awards made on 20th February 2013 to be ab-initio, null and void and of no force or avail in law.
(c) The foregoing Arbitral Proceedings, including the aforesaid purported Arbitral Awards are thus and thereby scandalous and in serious conflict with the Public Policy of Sri Lanka, causing grave public odium.
(d) The purported Awards are contrary to the covenants in the Agreement [P3], dated 28th May 2007, read together with the joint Letter dated 28th June 2008 [P6] between the Respondent and the Petitioner.
(e) The foregoing purported Awards are contrary to the Laws of Sri Lanka and are in conflict with Public Policy of Sri Lanka.
(f) The said purported Awards contain decisions on matters not falling within the purview of the Terms of Reference.
(g) The said purported Awards deal with disputes not contemplated by and not falling within the submissions to Arbitration and also contain matters beyond the scope of submission to Arbitration.
(h) The foregoing purported Awards had been made in the absence of and without any examination of the actual financials of the Respondent.
(i) The foregoing purported Awards had gravely failed to take cognizance of the fact that the Agreement [P3], which stood amended as aforesaid and the consequent arrangements tantamounted to an ‘unfair contract’.
20. (a) If the interim relief sought for herein is not granted, irreparable loss and damage and irremediable mischief would be caused to the Petitioner.
(b) The Petitioner reserves the right to support for interim relief at an appropriate stage.
21. The Petitioner has not previously invoked the jurisdiction of Your Honour’s Court in respect of this matter.
22. The Affidavit of the Group Managing Director of Delmege Forsyth & Co. Ltd., with which Company, Delmege Distributors (Pvt) Ltd., is now amalgamated, is annexed hereto in support of the averments herein contained.
WHEREFORE the Petitioner very respectfully prays that Your Honour’s Court be pleased to:
(a) set aside the Arbitral Awards delivered on 20th February 2013,
(b) grant interim relief staying the operation and enforcement of the Arbitral Awards delivered on 20th February 2013, until the hearing and final determination of this Application,
(c) make an Order declaring that the Petitioner is entitled to obtain certified copies of the Annual Accounts of the Respondent from the Registrar of Companies to be tendered to Your Honour’s Court for the adjudication of this matter
(d) grant costs, and
(e) grant such other and further reliefs as Your Honour’s Court shall seem meet
Settled by:
Viran Corea, Attorney-at-Law
M.A. Sumanthiran, Attorney-at-Law
Travel to Sri Lanka- I
The former President Chandrika Cumaranatunge told Lanka the Sunday Lankadeepa newspaper that the rumour that went round in the past few days that Vimukthi Cumaranatunge is coming into politics, joining in a discussion with the newspaper. She says that when her son compared with other sons of the present day, he is world’s apart.
She who mentions that she was faced with financial problems after she left her position as President, further says that she sold 5 pieces of land during the past 7 years and turned all that into money. “I don’t have one piece of land in Colombo now,” she says.
A part of the discussion which disclosed the above ideas with the newspaper is as follows.
There is a rumour that a section of the public is trying to propose you as President. Is it true?
If I come of course I can win over the present person. People are chasing behind me, asking me to come. But I haven’t taken a decision like that. I haven’t so far thought of taking over a responsibility. I am not a person who puts brothers, sisters and sons and do politics. Even at that time we didn’t do things like that.
Some say that you are involved in activities these days with the idea of coaxing your son to get into politics.
I won’t bring children into politics. The principle I live my children and the principle on which they live is world’s apart. I gave only one vehicle for use to both of them. I could have given two.But I didn’t. Till one work was finished and the vehicle came back, the other had to wait. The present day children have nine, ten or eleven vehicles. Then how many will all three have? That’s why I said that principles of our children are worlds apart in comparison.
I ruled the country for 11 years. I developed the country. I developed the country by getting everybody to participate together.What we did with great dedication has now been destroyed. If the country in the position in which it is now is to be saved, 10 Chandrikas of the type who was there in 1994 is needed.
You always say that you sell land and live.
All throughout the past 7 years I lived by selling 5 pieces of land. Now Chandrika doesn’t even have an inch of land in Colombo. I even sold the only house I had in Colombo. I built that house in my mother’s land from a loan I took from Bank of Ceylon. I paid that loan for 20 years. I sold the Rosmead Place house and gave a little to my children and kept a little for myself. I sold the Rosmead Place property for 50 lakhs a perch. There were 50 perches. Calculate the sum and see for yourself will you. I now live with that share of money I invested.
By Colombo Telegraph – “No one particular, could be with the exception of Gothabaya Rajapaksa, but he’s the only particular person I can mention who considered a military victory was achievable. I was quite hard to say extremely close to Indian intelligence and an tremendous sum of time all through this process and never, ever did any Indian official hint that a military victory was achievable until mid 2008.
Then they started, I observed the change in Mr.M.K.Narayanan and others and gradually shift into the position that may be, state may be the government can wipe out the tigers military victory.”Norwegian peace envoy Erik Solheim said last week
“Sri Lankans try to manipulate every single day for whole this 10 years, for their business interest part of that they tried to manipulate all. We may be fool but no so foolish that we understand that they tried to manipulate.” Minster of the Environment and international Development Erik Solheim further said.
Sri Lankans try to manipulate every single day for whole this 10 years, for their business interest part of that they tried to manipulate all. We may be fool but no so foolish that we understand that they tried to manipulate.
Eric Solheim made this remarks last week in Oslo seminar followed by the launch of the evaluation report of the Norwegian Peace effort in Sri Lanka. Theevaluation has been performed by CMI in Bergen and the School of Oriental and African Studies (SOAS) in London, and deals with the Norwegian peace effort in Sri Lanka between 1997 and 2009.
Following is the full text of the speech made by Erik Solheim
Let me start by thanking Mr.Gunnar and his team for a very valuable and interesting report. I’ve not been able to study everything at this stage, we will go through it, all the big and small parts…the big and small issues which are covered by the report and see to what extent I can inform and to see what I can do to assist Sri Lanka in the future and more importantly how this can help Norwegian efforts in other peace processes.
Norway is involved in one way or other in may be 20 peace processes in world and very few of them, at the moment, not as a main actor as in Sri Lanka, but in supporting the parties and supporting other international actors in bringing peace so it’s very valuable to look into all these experiences which are experience, this may be the first time, certainly, it isn’t normal, that one involved in the peace process is commissioning a report in to all the positive and negatives of what happened.
Norway should have withdrawn from the peace process
I broadly agree with most comments made and had one major reservation and let me start with that. I think indeed that Norway should have withdrawn from the peace process when it was clear to everyone that the government of Sri Lanka wanted a final military victory.
Every one knew that, was no doubt in Washington, or Beijing, or Colombo or Vanni about that. No one was in doubt of that. Indeed at this point we should have withdrawn. I think it is extreme arrogant why, because the Tamil Tigers asked us to continue, the government of Sri Lanka at least, in some extent, asked us to continue. A complete civil society and all the peace groups in Sri Lanka asked us to continue. The United States of America asked us to continue. India asked us to continue. The European Union asked us to continue. Neither I nor Vidar Helgesen, should sit in Oslo and make the decision that when everyone else in the world asked Norway to do best under the most difficult circumstances, even when its war, even so many people are killed, we should try to withdraw.
. If Pirapaharan had not forced Tamil voters to abstain from elections in 2005 everyone knows that Ranil Wickramasinghe would have been elected the president, not Mahinda Rajapaksa, Everyone knows that. That would at least have been a major change in everything what happened after that.
I cannot disagree, more. I think it’s very arrogant because it’s putting Norway far above everything else. It’s about our reputation, not about what we’re asked to do. All those who are suffering from this war. Except for that major reservation, I agree a lot about what has been presented by Gunar hear.
If there is another, not major reservation, it is the following. We should be very cautious with determinism believing that the outcome of Sri Lankan events had to be what it actually was. Richard Armitage is at the first floor hear, I think he and myself agreed that the American Independence war by George Washington would have taken a completely different turn if George Washington had be hanged as a terrorist and the UK would have gone over at least 50 more years.
It was so close to a southern separation during the civil war in America in the 1860’s and was not far away. Very close. You can just make a few changes in a few of the battles or moving the election of 1860 away from the fall to the spring and the outcome would have been completely different.
If Pirapaharan had not forced Tamil voters to abstain from elections in 2005
This occurs in most important events in Earth’s history and the tendency by researchers by what actually is the end, had to be the end, I take a reservation with. Let’s mention a few of the “ifs” in the peace process of Sri Lanka. If Mr.Pirapaharan had not forced Tamil voters to abstain from elections in 2005 everyone knows that Ranil Wikremesinghe would have been elected as the president, not Mahinda Rajapaksa, Everyone knows that. That would at least have been a major change in everything what happened after that.
If Balasinham had not died of cancer, it may or may not have made a major difference; I think it would have made a major difference because after Balsinham’s death, the LTTE leadership made all the mistakes.
If Mr. Balasinham had not died of cancer, it may or may not have made a major difference; I think it would have made a major difference because after Mr. Balasinham’s death, the LTTE leadership made all the mistakes.
Prior to that they were quite clever both in the political and military field in the 3 years after Blasingam’s death, it was not one single meaningful political or military initiative from the Tamil Tigers.
Not one and there is no other way of explaining that influence of Balasingham’s disappear and Pirapaharan was alone to make decisions. So to say. If Karuna was not split, it was not, I think, in the invertible, it was basic from personal characteristics, not very nice, but it was what happened and it made an enormous change .
If Chandrika Kumaratunga or the other actors had to be able to move one or two months after the Tsunami, it was a completely new set up in Sri Lanka.
Tamil Tigers assisted the army. The army assisted Tamils. Was really a new beginning but it was drawn out, drawn out, the momentum was lost and basically nothing happened.
If we had been able to achieve a major change or development here I think everything would have been very different. Not necessarily, exactly what we had hoped for but it would have been very different. And I can continue with a number of other such if, So I think we have to judge historical events on the basis of the available information at that time, not when we know what happened. But that’s hard when we don’t know exactly what happened because what happened was not necessarily what had to happen. Then, let me add one or two other aspects. No one believed there was a military victory possible.
Gothabaya Rajapaksa the only exception
No one. May be with the exception of Gothabaya Rajapaksa but he’s the only person I can mention who thought a military victory was possible.
No one in Colombo thought it was possible, I was very hard to say very close to Indian intelligence and an enormous amount of time throughout this process and never, ever did any Indian official hint that a military victory was possible until mid 2008. Then they started, I observed the change in Mr.M.K.Narayanan and others and gradually shift into the position that may be, still may be the government can wipe out the tigers military victory.
If Karuna was not split, it was not, I think, in the invertible, it was basic from personal characteristics, not very nice, but it was what happened and it made an enormous change .
Before that no one thought it was possible, the United States thought it was impossible, USA, India and Colombo thought it was impossible so again complete change from what we all based the peace process on until that point.
Then coming to what can be learned. Because there are a number of these issues which are reflected in the report and also by Gunnar. Obviously have to be patient, that’s very obvious part of the peace process starting with the belief that this can be resolved in a few months time.
The Indians told us, please be patient, if you cannot be patient go away, get out of the way you will only complicate matters. This will take a decade at the minimum. So we learned to be patient and you need patience in any peace process.
Then you need to get the international context right, as was covered by Mr.Gunnar may be at the end the government won a military victory because it much better understood the international situation and tiger leadership. Mr.Rajapaksa understood it was basically possible to build up a coalition of China, Pakistan, Iran, and a number of new actors in the Sri Lankan context to get on one hand, military support from these new actors but on the other hand also using these new actors to put pressure on old actors in the sense that it would be very much more relaxing to see China coming in a more major way in Sri Lanka.
That was very clever international diplomacy by Rajapaksa out fuling that way the Tigers in … that way… so in the international context it’s very essential. Other issues the inclusiveness. Have to say that we were fighting throughout to particularly include the Muslim community in Sri Lanka in a much broader way in the peace process and to every one else that was not easy mainly because the Tamil Tigers were very reluctant to see a separate Muslim dimension to the struggle, but very very important in all peace processes to be as inclusive as possible.
The three main issues in my perspective in the peace process
Then I would come to the three main issues in my perspective in the peace process which we have to contemplate for future situations. Number one, the peace priority list is weather are there other ways to influence the Tamil Tigers leadership in a more effective way than we did. You may please recall Norway was the only access to Pirapakran. background, I met Pirapakaran may be ten times and absolutely no tiger in
If Chandrika Kumaranathuga or the other actors had to be able to move one or two months after the Tsunami, it was a completely new setup in Sri Lanka.
that background, none. During the peace process, except for Norwegians, Mr.Krish Paten from EU meet him onece, and Akashai from Japan, may be once, or twice, except for that it was just Norwegians. Mr.Lars combined thirty hours with during this peace process. He spoke only Tamil and my Tamil is limited so it was a relatively limited time. I think it was completely wrong …. That other actors did not want to speak to him unless he behaved well. The more people that need to speak to Pirapakaran the better.
The government would have been reluctant to that because that would have been a recognition of his role that I think the more the LTTE would have been opened up, the moel actors that would have been able to meet in a international community mole the more likely a success would have been.
That’s right what Gunnar said, when Balasingham negotiated to do so call Oslo declaration which they said LTTE will explore Federalism where Milinda and myself who wrote that document here in Oslo Balasingham accepted it and took it to Pirapakaran, he refused it. It was not public at that time but it is very clear he refused it. Because he was realizing to federalism. But still have been ……. or influence in LTTE Leadership. In reality that Mr.Pirapakaran, more that is the most, that is the number one crucial issue. Blasingham told me that please understand Mr.Pirapakaran is a war lord. he is not in a democratic society not understanding international community not understanding the base in Europe and USA.
Blasingham told me that please understand Mr.Pirapakaran is a war lord
He is ……. in a war load. May be studying the war lords, chins history in the early part of the …. the best parallel to study Pirapakaran, Balasingham hinted. Its not my idea. if that the case more have been done to open up their ice, their understanding of the world and should be have done that more on that matter I thing that was completely wrong that USA, Europe and anyone else ask me please you behave well very long period of time we will talk to you. So we should have talked to them all the time as much as possible 24 hours if possible. This is the number one status issues.
It may, People may thing that up on this from world assistant, stutterers, tactical experience, it may seen as very personal oriented but the reality was Pirapakaran was the LTTE, without Pirapakaran LTTE will have existed and all major decisions whatever type will be made by Pirapakaran. No one else. he will of course speak with some of the military leaders definitely consulting with Balasingham but ultimately he will make decisions and it was very hard, I never heard any Tamils giving and wanted advice to Mr.Pirapakaran I thing that would be very difficult to any Tamils to knock at door to going to Pirapakaran and say that you are on a wrong path you shouldn’t do this and that.Only person should do that Balasingham. Because he was 10 years senior.
Second issue very much covered by Gunnar. There are two parties in Colombo. UNP and SLFP they had a long long history of not working together. During most of the peace process Chandraka was the President Ranil Wikremesinghe was the Prime Minister and they were not speaking … and they were both believing that they are whatever they do possible to do in their my or in their situations.
. Blasingham told that please understand Pirapakaran is a war lord. he is not in a democratic society not understanding international community not understanding the base in Europe and USA.
Should have been done more on that regards. We felt that it was outside Norway mandate. We felt other mandate was to negotiate that those in power in Colombo where ever they are and the Tamil tigers and that intervening on that would be intervening mean that domestic affairs in State of Sri Lanka.
Mr.Fox that UK’s Minister of Defence, he just left his post, made so called FOX agreement in late 1990s you should cover that. There was lots of efforts that Indian and others to bring by two parties together but should have been Norway should have forced to …. may be we should have done that more to ask both parties to do like India and UN to do it, would have been very very difficult. Very critical issue I do not know what extend discuss it the peace agreement was in the beginning before the cease fire agreement should more effort have been done bring Chandrika into that. Because that was done right after Ranil Wikremesighe made political victory he was on the political assurance, very strong and very popular at that point. Chandrika was as you said sidelined.
Should more have been done to bring Chandrika in to that agreement
That’s true, should more have been done to bring her in to that agreement at the beginning, mover mental that has been lost but it is a critical issue of course if there has been a two party agreement in Colombo with their LTTE that would have made enormous different that’s very clear. But I think that was outside to Norway to archive it. May be we should have been done more to try to convince others to act will be lots, possibly has been done more. The last issue like to bring that also coved the issue of communication. Its true that Norway became very unpopular at least that peace process has lasted long partially in …… Nationalists Sinhala groups, that’s very clear. I thing that main reason for that with optics whenever someone saw Mr.Pirapakaran or LTTE …. to Norwegians because no one else going there, so other, I will be there or Ambassador or Johan or someone else, I mean if Pirapakaran or Balasingham or Tamilselvan, whether it was on TV normally the Norwegian with his side, it gave important to Sri Lankans that Norway was very close to LTTE. Since no one else LTTE did this. This was optical reason was why this became an issue.. but still we should have discussed, may be better media strategy. However of course, that party not wanted Norway to have a high profile. they wanted to be a process between that LTTE and the government they wanted us to make comments particularly when they have agreed some things but did not want Norway to be seen as speaking behalf of its self… defending its own role on this on media and that.. that clearly told that was what the parties want to see and still I mean is an issue, definitely need more consideration whether it should have play that or done more on this. Other issue in commutation is their one group. I am very clear we should have done more to reach out to the Buddhist clergy in Colombo in Sri Lanka and Mahanayaka in Kandy and others, the very important spiritual leaders in Sri Lanka. We were clearly adviced by Chandrika Kumaratunga not to spend too much time on the Buddhist clergy. So this not our idea, she was telling not to do it,. We wanted to do, but told not to do.. …… itself and don’t interview in this … leave that to us. At least to that inside today we should have done more to reach out to the Buddhist clergy because of their loyalist on the Sinhala side was so so important. so these are some of the issues for discussion. There are many big and small at the end two big one that finding of the issues of the peace process was should more have been done to reach out to Pirapakaran to get him at end to accept a federal states. that other was should more have been done bring together UNP and SLFP, Ranil and Chandrika, if we have been able to do very different or one or other this too, that would have been a completely different process these are the two essential questions.
If you want to receive support from USA will you kill any USA president?
I don’t think that war on terror was a main problem here, On one hand LTTE made enormous mistakes, the reason why the war on terror became so important in Sri Lanka was that LTTE made high profile assassinations against Sri Lankan politicians, it gave them nothing on any political or military point of view. Why in hell killing Rajiv Gandhi. Animus blander, if you want to receive support from USA, will you kill any US president? India was the main source of support to Tamil Tigers, why then killed? Rajiv Gandhi was a outstanding Indian Prime Minister.This was animus mistake, Whenever Pirapakaran told us stop killing, he keep (strikes) his words, that’s more than I can say that Sri Lankan Sinhala politician,
I am very clear we should have done more to reach out to the Buddhist clergy in Colombo and Mahanayaka in Kandy and others. The very important spiritual leaders in Sri Lanka, we were clearly adviced by Chandrika Kumarathunga not to spend too much time on the Buddhist clergy
Pirapakan always did. One example right after Mahinda elected president, LTTE started huge number of killing against Sri Lankan army soldiers then we went to Pirapakaran he promised to stop it. He stopped it. There was no killing by LTTE then the Government started killing different Tamils. Then too LTTE responded. Government that point insisting the killing. LTTE did not start the peace process at the weak point. They started the peace process at the peak of power. LTTE was ever powerful at 2000 and 2001.
LTTE did not start the peace process at the weak point
LTTE was too close to capture Jaffna peninsula, LTTE distorted Bandaranayaka airport in Colombo, bringing the economics of Sri Lankan state to zero. There was a peak of the power they started peace process, We Norway had good relation with Government in Washington and Norway embassy in Oslo. Their is not one critical remarks what so ever on WikiLeaks on Norwegian role on peace process. There USA cannot do it, will not do it, its very common Norway doing it. We have been …… bringing ….. killing by Sri Lankan state, I will give you ample of examples, MP. Pararajasingham good friend of mine was killed in Xmas day in a Christian church, Obviously this was by Sri Lankan state.One of the main famous Editor in Colombo Lasantha Wickaramatunga, another friend of us through peace process known very well killed by state of Sri Lanka.
Absolutely there is no doubt about that, that should be condemned and who was responsible for this crime should be brought to courts.
It was absolutely right to regret the ban of LTTE the point of views of Norway, how could you play as a mediator if band one organization you should talk to that group is impossible, I thing that banning the LTTE is not a good idea, because I … to that …..that much …. that overwhelmed by LTTE to political come forward bringing them out in the light discussing with them and trying to convince top leadership that has to informs them self.That is the reason why took prevalence that in Europe very clear on so many occasion we not able to stop this kind of terrorist killing that provoke the EU.
Sri Lankans try to manipulate every single day for whole this 10 years
Sri Lankans try to manipulate every single day for whole this 10 years, for their business interest, part of that they tried to manipulate all. We may be fool but no so foolish that we understand that they tried to manipulate.
I still believe that this peace process should have taken a different cost… so I don’t think too high expectation may be from the beginning much more easy, but it was not right to do it, Expectations has gone very differently I thing it was right.
India though out had VETO power over the peace process, Milinda and myself went to Delhil many time but I don’t know how many times has been at the airport and New Delhi meetings whith Indian Intelligence and others, there was no major steps on the peace process what so ever taken without informing India same times they tacis excess may have disagreed India was throughout Informed.
That was very simple, they want that view, India for most important friend in Sri Lanka. USA is important also, for USA India and Sri Lanka is a co-Interest.
USA never ever realize their relationship with India, for example for Sri Lanka. If India on board, ultimately USA basically flow. Even what nation’s …… to SLMM they give a list of the national they will aspect we will respect from that.
Watch full video;
http://www.youtube.com/watch?feature=player_embedded&v=MtYY9QNrrIU
be lankan buy lankan. promote nearby manufacturers for sustainable development in sri lanka. patriotic marketing sri lanka asia. mawbima lanka padanama promotions.
By Colombo Telegraph -“In pursuing this pro-U.S. program, Wickremesinghe has been supported by two dynamic advisers, Minister of Constitutional Affairs G.L. Peiris and Minister of Financial Reform Milinda Moragoda.” the US Embassy Colombo informed Washington.The Colombo Telegraph found the related leaked cable from the WikiLeak database. The cable classified as “CONFIDENTIAL” analyses the Sri Lanka