Category: Foreign Affairs

By Vishwamithra1984 –

“The only way to make sense out of modify is to plunge into it, move with it, and join the dance.” ~Alan Watts

One particular more week for the Presidential Elections. The men and women of Sri Lanka are being asked to make a choice and it’s going to be the most critical political judgment they have been challenged to make. Bewildered by the unprecedented crossovers from each sides, the voters are nevertheless meandering among this valley and other peaks, wondering regardless of whether the incumbent is genuinely significant about restoring the fast-disappearing socio-cultural values. While the leaders are pontificating from the best of their voices about Buddhism and its abiding influence on the psyche of the wonderful majority of Sri Lankans and its values, they are also resorting to the most dastardly acts of violence, inhuman remedy of minorities and distorted sloganeering of sublime concepts.

Only a desperate clan of rulers would resort to such intense falsehoods only a losing side would adopt such brutally bizarre and blatantly shallow methods of persuasion. On each one particular of their election platforms, speaker right after seeker is offered a wide range of elasticity to stretch the truth a third-rate but widely common Bollywood actor is getting shown on their election platforms, for what earthly goal, one particular actually does not know. It reminds one particular of the definitely insensitive racing-auto festivals these guys held in Colombo and Kandy when the typical citizen is discovering it almost impossible to place three meals on the table on a daily basis. It is really clear that the ruling clan is caught up in its own web of deceit its extravagant spending and acquiring buried in their own muck and misery is evidenced in the bizarre way some of their supporters are behaving. As soon as once more, the moving drama of Sri Lankan political dynamics is displaying its dumbfounded audience the utter fallacy of temporary glory every single affordable human becoming could comprehend what precisely is happening around him but those who nevertheless wield energy appear to consider that that power would stay in their hands forever.

Some of the beneficiaries of this evil regime have selected to stay there, not since they don’t see the coming disaster but as they are not welcome in the Opposition ranks since the Opposition fears that they (the Opposition) as well will be tarred by the same brush of these wildly corrupt and unruly lackeys.   The hooligans who got elected to Parliament on the United People’s Freedom Alliance (UPFA) ticket are nevertheless playing ‘pandu’. The infamous Muthuhettigama incident and the deafening silence by the President on the same is ample evidence that Mahinda Rajapaksa has no manage more than his henchmen and women. Stories that run by way of the internet are not only funny some of them actually have been brilliantly created and would surely persuade some voters to adjust their minds, even at the eleventh hour.

Probably now it may possibly be a great time to assess the two campaigns. The contrasts are much far more definitive than similarities. On the a single hand, the Mahinda Rajapaksa campaign has had virtually limitless access to cash, muscle and power the Maithripala campaign sometimes looked woefully short in money but immensely wealthy in concepts, substance and of course style. The former’s obscene campaign of cutouts of their candidate, much to the annoyance of any intelligent particular person, played havoc during the run-up to the nomination day.

The following chart gives the reader a picture of how the two campaigns have fared according to the writer’s individual opinion. Numerous readers might disagree with my reading, yet I’m positive, most of them would agree with the assessment so given.

The blatant lies uttered by the Rajapaksa campaign are nauseating and the uncaring ease with which they are spoken, are crude and completely despicable. Nevertheless, elections that are won by sustaining a campaign of lies and half-truths are many, not only in the so-named Third World but much more so in the created West. But the Rajapaksas take all credit for lying in fantastic style. They can take Goebbels of the Hitler regime to school.

But come January eight, 2015, the individuals of Sri Lanka will choose to oust the Rajapaksas for many valid causes, the most prominent of which, not necessarily in the order given, are the following:

• Incumbency fatigue
• Corruption, nepotism and waste
• Breakdown in law and order
• Spiraling expense of living
• Spread of violence amongst second-tier Government politicians
• Abuse of energy
• Infringement on the Judiciary
• A single-loved ones rule
• Vulgar display of wealth by the Very first Family members
• Callous disregard for age-old values
• Uninhibited telling of lies
• Incoherent policy pronunciations

Predictions do not belong in the arena of politics. They belong exclusively to astrologers and extraterrestrial readers. But scientific forecasting is carried out by expert organizations using different polls and surveys. The writer has access to such polls accomplished throughout the period of December 18 – 23 and according to that specific survey, Maithripala Sirisena is ahead comfortably going over the 50% mark. For factors of confidentiality, I do not want to divulge the name of the polling business.

Let’s hope that this forecast holds very good.

By Malinda Seneviratne –

The United National Party (UNP) has not won a Presidential Election given that 1988. That is 26 years. In a could which saw frequent baton-changes between the two key parties, i.e. the UNP and the Sri Lanka Freedom Party (SLFP) or at least coalitions led by one or the other, this is a significant state of affairs.

Now it can be argued that Ranil Wickremesinghe was robbed, so to speak, each in 1999 and 2005. In 1999 a close election went the incumbent’s way when she lost an eye in a terrorist attack, the resulting sympathy translating into a vote-sway. In addition, S.B. Dissanayake when claimed that he had ensured that 400,000 හොර ඡන්ද (illegal votes) had been cast in her favor. The claimant of course late switched sides and was the UNP’s National Organizer for a even though just before crossing party lines once again. It is also claimed, frequently enough, that Ranil would have won in 2005 had the LTTE not stopped Tamils in the North and East from voting.

It appears to have gone downhill thereafter. The short UNP-led Government with Ranil Wickremesinghe as Prime Minister was roundly defeated in 2004. The UNP suffered one more key defeat in 2010 when the UPFA retained energy in a Parliamentary Election. Between 1994 and 2014, except for a brief high in regional government elections in 2002/three, Ranil’s UNP has lost so dozens of elections. It must be stated, nevertheless, that the provincial and neighborhood government elections typically go to the party holding power at the centre and hence Ranil was usually handicapped, not to mention the fact that the ruling celebration utilised the staggered-elections policy so that state resources could be more effectively (and illegally of course and as has been accomplished by all ruling parties, the UNP included) employed to safe victory.

For all this, the UNP’s manifest inability to field a credible candidate at presidential elections is a serious indictment on that party. In 2010, as the ‘Common Opposition Candidate’ Maithripala Sirisena observed, it was a challenging ask for anybody. He said he was surprised that the former Army Commander Sarath Fonseka polled the numbers he ended up with. This was, as he said, just following the country was rid of the terrorist menace soon after 3 lengthy decades of bombs, bullets, suicide attacks and bloodshed. Naturally, credit accrued to the man beneath whose leadership the battle was won. No one who says ‘all power resides with the president’ courtesy the constitution can genuinely argue that credit must go elsewhere.

The 2010 election was as a result going Mahinda Rajapaksa’s way anyway, whoever the UNP fielded. And yet, even in unfavorable circumstances, these in the weaker camps have not twiddled thumbs, either in Sri Lanka or elsewhere. Hector Kobbekaduwa in 1988 and Sirimavo Bandaranaike in 1988 fought the great fight. Left candidates usually showed spirit. They all lost, but their respective parties gained, at least to the extent that they managed to periodically re-energize their ground-level networks.

The UNP on the other hand threw in the towel virtually right away right after the bell was rung for the initial round. In 2010, Sarath Fonseka was not a proxy but a sacrificial lamb. The help was lukewarm, the outcome was a foregone conclusion and the only consolation that the UNP got was the correct to say ‘we didn’t contest, so we didn’t drop!’ That’s as weak a brag as you can discover. If the UNP wounds of 2004 and 2005 had been close to receiving healed, the January 2010 victory of Mahinda opened them up. In April, the UNP bled and continued to bleed to the point that the regime was able to safe a two-thirds majority in Parliament.

One would have anticipated the UNP to find out some tough lessons, but this time about also the celebration was unable to put forward a credible candidate. Rather, it now supports a renegade of the party’s principal political enemy, expecting to get some tidbits need to he succeed in defeating the formidable incumbent, Mahinda Rajapaksa.

For all the talk of the Prime Minister for Ranil (for services rendered) in the occasion Maithripala Sirisena wins, for all the calculations about Maithripala needing the UNP’s Parliamentary group after January eight, 2015 (if he wins, again), the UNP has shown abysmal understanding of political realities.   On Day 1 of a Maithripala Presidency, he would not just be the all effective Executive President, he can count on the entire SLFP to turn its back on Mahinda and back him instead. The political future of all SLFP MPs, after all, would thereafter be tied to the fortunes of Maithripala and not Mahinda. It is not impossible to believe that he could even get the help of two-thirds of the MPs and institute constitutional reform without any assistance of the UNP!

Where would that leave the UNP? Where would that leave Ranil Wickremesinghe? In quick, in the event of a Maithripala victory, Ranil and the UNP will be totally dependent on Maithripala’s generosity. To spot one’s political eggs in a basket of a man who nevertheless claims to be the Secretary Common of a rival party is utterly naïve.

‘In the larger interest of the country,’ Ranil and the UNP can claim. ‘If only politics was a fairy tale!’ somebody would respond.

Is it a personality concern? Something incorrect with Ranil and not necessarily the celebration? Probably. The truth remains though that the celebration hasn’t been in a position to repair the problem if indeed this was the problem. So, as items stand, this side of the ‘national interest’ thesis, the celebration doesn’t stand to gain in the occasion Maithripala wins. Is this the explanation for the lethargy of the UNP’s electioneering machine on the ground? Right after all, there seemed to be a lot a lot more enthusiasm in Badulla during the Uva elections, with Harin Fernando leading the way.

*Malinda Seneviratne is the Chief Editor of ‘The Nation’ and his articles can be identified at www.malindawords.blogspot.com

By Sumanasiri Liyanage –

Tariq Ali, when informed us that democracy will perish even before capitalism reaches its finish. Does it imply a new phase of capitalism with the absence of democracy? In a way it is not a novel phenomenon considering that in its brief history, not going beyond 300 years, capitalism and democracy have not often co-existed. Contemporary democracy was invented under capitalism, but it has not been an outcome of capitalism. It has been an outcome of numerous struggles waged by various social layers of society invariably against capitalism. Sri Lanka has witnessed a robust tendency towards authoritarianism since the advent of a constitution with executive presidential program as its constitutional architecture and neoliberalism as its economic framework. Even though the presidential program facilitated the introduction of neoliberalism the latter in its turn reinforced the executive presidential method. This has created it less complicated us to picture a life without having democracy but not a life without having capitalism. Nonetheless, as soon as once more, democracy has become a crucial concern in the forthcoming presidential election in Sri Lanka ambiguity prevails over what democracy really signifies notwithstanding.

The forces that have been mobilized against the incumbent president have rightly raised the problem of democracy as a central concern facing the nation today. Democracy signifies different things for various individuals, for different social groups. Nevertheless, practically all the oppositional forces, except Jathika Hela Urumaya (JHU) had come to a consensus that in order to reestablish democracy in Sri Lanka a single of the vital prerequisite is the abolition of the executive presidential technique. It was explicitly states what is needed is to abolish it and replace it with a different program. There was a debate on the option method but the majority of the opposition wanted to go back to the Parliamentary method. Will the democratic aspirations of the men and women fulfil after the presidential election? Let us evaluation the election manifestos of the candidates. At the moment, I have three manifestos with me. I will focus 1st on the Manifestos of Candidate Mahinda Rajapaksa (MR) and candidate Maithripala Sirisena (MS). It is not uncommon to have some degree of rhetoric in election manifesto. Figure 1 summarizes proposals in two manifestos on the situation on constitutional alter. ( Click right here to read MS manifesto and here to MR manifesto)

It is exciting to note there is no fundamental difference amongst two candidates as far as the constitutional change/ amendment is concerned. Even though MR leaves the adjustments for the proposed constituent assembly only submitting his ideas on certain troubles, MS has offered detailed list of alterations he is arranging to make within 100 days hence leaving present constitutional architecture intact.

Hence, my conclusion is that with regard to the problems that have been raised by a variety of democratic fora in order to enhance democratic governance in the nation have been either marginalized or neglected in the two manifestoes. Considering that its inception, particularly given that the late 1980s, folks in this country voted for the abolition of the executive presidential system. Constitutional drafts and proposals submitted by citizens’ initiatives reflected this aspiration of the individuals. Nevertheless, the people who began to taste and take pleasure in the energy of the EP refused to adjust it. Ironically, Candidate MS has refused to adjust it following generating a guarantee to that respect even before tasting and enjoying it. In such a circumstance, can we count on democratic governance right after January 8?

The existing democracy discourse in Sri Lanka is marred by a quite narrow definition of democracy. This definition that was advanced for the specific needs of neo-liberalism following in the context of developing nations the Augmented Washington Consensus focuses principally on issues like governance, rule of law, non-interventionist state. Freedom of established media and so on. In other words, the basic objective of democracy is lowered to the operational needs of neo-liberalist phase of capitalism. It would be fascinating to evaluate the definition of democracy adopted right now with that of pre-1994 period. Before 1994 election, democracy included as an inseparable element the power-sharing arrangement although what it meant was not explicitly stated. At least it meant going beyond the 13th Amendment. It also included supplying a ‘human face’ to capitalism. Above all, the abolition of the executive presidential program as an intimate element of comprehensive constitutional redesign was integrated as a pre-requisite of the reestablishment of democracy. This clearly shows the degradation of democratic discourse in the final 20 years. What does it imply? Jairus Banaji, an Indian Marxist, when informed us about 3 meanings of democracy.

1. Democracy in the sense of the formal framework of a constitutional democracy with the rights to freedom and equality, the correct to life and individual liberty, to freedom of religion etc that it guarantees.

two. Democracy as a culture of resistance grounded in the constitutional rights offered beneath my 1st meaning.

three. Democracy as an aspiration for manage. One can see the Communist Manifesto as a generalization of democracy in this third sense (of the mass of workers aspiring to handle their own lives, economically, politically and culturally) and as a culmination of democracy in each the prior senses.  As a result for communists (in Marx’s sense) the mass element in democracy is crucial, it is what defines democracy in its most complete sense and historical form.

In the last twenty years we witnessed two types of democratic struggles. Democratic struggled initiated and led by numerous ‘citizen’ democratic groups operated inside economico-legal structure of neoliberalism with the primary objective of achieving these formal democratic rights. These struggles fell beneath the rubric of very first meaning cited above. And numerous of these movements are fundamentally urban and elitist. In restricted sense, some of them went beyond the first which means falling at the boundary of the second meaning.

The second sort of democratic struggles were not even depicted democratic struggles as they had questioned the standard economico-legal structure of neoliberalism. Here, I include, Tamil struggle for autonomy, the Free Trade Zone struggles against proposed pension bill to integrate EPF into accumulation method, struggles against forceful eviction of urban folks, protests by rural masses on numerous issues connected to their day to day living and the student struggles against commodification of education. In these struggles, even in restricted sense, peoples’ aspiration for control was expressed. It is also exciting note that these struggles were led by subaltern layers of the Sri Lankan society.

Two main candidates have failed in their manifestos to address even essential concerns raised by elitist citizen groups. As indicated in the Figure 1 above, both have refused to touch the unitary character of the Constitution. Although MR have said that he would recommend to the proposed constitution assembly to maintain the unitary character of the state, MS have informed he would not TOUCH the unitary and non-secular nature of the present constitution. Therefore ensuring majoritarian rule over numerically tiny nations would stay unchanged.

It was in this back drop, Janatha Vimukthi Peramuna (JVP) has also refused to present an option. It has taken an opportunist position to show that it has not yet broken from its coalition politics that began in 2004. Similarly Tamil National Alliance (TNA) has been silent on the principal democratic demands of autonomy. The same can be described on the Sri Lanka Muslim Congress (SLMC). All three parties have clearly capitulated to parliamentarism claiming that only two alternatives are open. The ideal selection opened for TNA and SLMC in my view is to field candidates on the basis of their key demands or to type a front with other subaltern forces on a minimum widespread plan. In the absence of those 3 forces, the only light at the end of the tunnel is the manifesto of the Left Front that comprehensively address the problems of democracy in its all 3 meanings. The Left Front led by 34 year old former student leader with consistent track record, Duminda Nagamuwa, proposes a setting up of a constituent assembly comprising not just Parliamentarians but the representatives of trade unions, peasant organizations and many other peoples’ organizations. He guarantees autonomy for numerically small nations and guarantees what has been currently provided for then will not be allowed to take back. A robust and vibrant social movement of subalterns dealing with all three meanings of democracy cited above is crucial if the Sri Lankan need democracy following January 9 whatever the outcome of the election.

*The writer is the co-coordinator of the Marx School. e-mail: [email protected]

By Latheef Farook –

The opposition presidential candidate Maithripala Sirisena pledges straightforward life, Ven Sobitha Thero calls for social justice and Ven Athuraliya Thero struggles for excellent governance and accountability

Maithripala Sirisena says” on elected as the president he would not move into official residence Temple Trees but would reside in his own straightforward home. He has also declared his assets for every person to see. He is keen on major a straightforward life and serving the individuals of all communities.

As a result he calls for simplicity of life.

Venerable Maduluwawe Sobitha Thero who single handedly spearheaded the campaign to abolish the Executive Presidency with his National Movement for Social Justice wanted to ensure social justice for all in the country. He played a important part in the creation of a widespread opposition candidate. He should be paid tribute simply because he fought for justice at a time not a lot of in the nation were even ready to speak about justice due to fear of revenge.

Therefore he calls for social justice.

Ven. Athuraliye Rathana Thero, a Buddhist monk, a vibrant politician and a dynamic member of the Parliament, formed an organization named ‘Pivithuru Hetak’ (The National Council for a Much better Tomorrow) to   adjust the current presidential method by educating   political leaders, intellectuals, academics and the public on essential information important on very good governance for the betterment of the nation.

Hence he calls for accountability and good governance.

Simple life, social justice and very good governance to the benefit of all are all what Islam is about.This is what Allah told us in the Holy Quran to make sure a much better society far more than 14 centuries ago. This is what our beloved Prophet Muhammad (Peace be Upon Him) has shown us by living a life reflecting the Holy Quranic teachings. In reality he was the personification of all what was taught in the Holy Quran.

In truth fantastic Caliph Omar who constructed an empire stretching from North India to Mediterranean capturing which includes Jerusalem without shedding a drop of blood and ruled with justice was identified for his simplicity and just rule.

For example Caliph Umar, busy doing some official function in the light of an oil lamp, place off his lamp when a visitor who came to see him stated he had just come to pay a social call. There was darkness everywhere. When the visitor asked why he place off the oil lamp Caliph said “I was performing workplace work and the burning oil in the lamp is the property of the folks and he was not entitled to use that oil to entertain a friend”.

In this regard it is worth recalling how Caliph Omar captured Jerusalem with his simplicity.

When the Muslim army entered Jerusalem the Patriarch of the city Sophronius stated that he would negotiate only with Caliph Umar and that nobody enters Jerusalem prior to Caliph Umar. On hearing this Caliph Umar informed that he was on his way.

Accompanied by a servant, Caliph Umar rode on camelback to Jerusalem although he could have been accompanied by an entourage that could have made the ground tremble beneath the hooves of horses. He did so to show simplicity and ensure that Allah alone deserves all the glories.

On reaching Jerusalem, it was the servant’s turn to ride the camel and as a mark of respect to Caliph Umar and to make sure that the individuals see the Caliph, the servant wanted the Caliph to ride the camel. Nonetheless Caliph Umar refused and entered Jerusalem on foot whilst the servant rode the camel to the shock and surprise of every person such as Patriarch Sophronius. On reaching the place Caliph Umar continued the journey on foot carrying his shoes in hand below the astonished gaze of the folks.

Caliph Umar walked to the army wearing modest threadbare clothes. The Christians who watched almost everything from the walls of Jerusalem were amazed at the strange simplicity, unable to believe that this straightforward man could be the leader of these properly equipped armies.

The Patriarch Sophronius who saw the unfolding scenes with excellent admiration stated to his folks that no one in the planet would be capable to stand up to these men and women and advised them to surrender to be saved.

Soon after the treaty was signed the essential to the city was formally handed over in 637 AC. The gates of Jerusalem had been opened and Caliph Umar entered along a promenade that led him to the Church of the Holy Sepulcher. Caliph Umar was inside and the Patriarch Sophronius said to him “pray”. However Caliph Umar declined, fearing it may well establish a precedent that would threaten the church&#8217s continued use as a Christian home of worship. Alternatively he prayed in an location to the south of the church, now the site of the Mosque of Umar in Jerusalem.

In performing so Caliph Umar showed the world the meaning of tolerance and generosity in victory and strength. It was the greatness of Islam that shone in his spirit and was reflected in his ethics though he was a particular person known for his firmness and courage.

United States President Barack Obama, British Prime Minister David Cameroon, Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu and Indian Prime Minister Narendra Modi, all soaked in innocent Muslim blood, need to have to understand a lot from Caliph Umar on good governance.

With regard to Ven Sobitha Thero’s get in touch with for social justice , in the Holy Quran- in Chapter Al-NISA (Women) Allah says

“Believers, be upholders of justice and bearers of witness to truth for the sake of Allah, even even though it may either be against yourselves or against your parents and kinsmen, or the wealthy or the poor, for Allah is far more concerned with their well-getting than you are. Do not, then, comply with your own desires lest you maintain away from justice. If you twist or turn away from (the truth), know that Allah is nicely aware of all that you do. (from Sayyid Abul A’la Maudi’s Towards Understanding the Quran. Vol 11 Surahs four-6)

Ven Sobitha Thero and a lot of other individuals involved in the presidential campaign call for constitutional adjustments which assure accountability.

Islam advocates accountability “Abdullah reported that Allah’s Messenger (pbuh) stated: Every single one particular of you is a guardian and accountable for his charge. Thus the Amir (Ruler or Head of State) is a guardian of the folks and He is accountable for them. And a man is a guardian of his household and he is accountable for them and a females is in charge of the household and her young children and she is accountable for them and a servant is guardian of his master’s house, absolutely everyone of you is accountable for his subjects” (Bukhari, al-Jam’al-Sahih)

Accountability for Islamic leaders goes beyond the confines of this life they will also be accountable to Allah in the Hereafter. Here are two relevant sayings from the Prophet Muhammad (Pbuh) about the consequences to Islamic leaders who are corrupt, and self-serving:

1. “There is no governor who rules Muslim subjects and dies, obtaining played foul with them, but Allah will forbid him Paradise”
2. “If he does not strive diligently to promote their welfare, he will not enter Paradise with them.”

“Verily, Allah commands you to make more than the trusts to these entitled to them. And that when you judge amongst them, you judge with justice.” (four:58)

Islam is also in total agreement with Ven. Athuraliye Rathana Thero’s call for a corrupt free of charge society below very good governance to the benefit of all. In reality this is what Holy Quran has been teaching for the past more than 14 centuries. This was the just rule in Madina for the duration of the time of Prophet Muhammad and beneath righteous caliphs. Regrettably western imperil powers distort Islam and demonize Muslims to invade and destroy Muslim countries and Muslim societies to loot their wealth and guarantee that Islam remains suppressed to suit their evil designs. Thus the planet is unable to comprehend Islam. Sri Lanka is no exception.

The Quran states: “And by the Mercy of Allah, you dealt with them gently. And had you been extreme and harsh-hearted, they would have broken away from about you so pass more than (their faults), and ask (Allah’s) Forgiveness for them and seek the advice of them in the affairs. Then when you have taken a choice, put your trust in Allah, undoubtedly, Allah loves those who place their trust (in Him)” (three:159).

Exceptional Islamic leaders  are truthful, just and keep away from bribery and corruption.

“And do not devour your wealth amongst yourselves by means of falsehood, and provide it not as a bribe to the authorities that you may possibly knowingly devour a portion of the wealth of other individuals with injustice.” (two:189).

Ibn Masud said that Allah&#8217s Messenger (Pbuh) slept on a reed mat and got up with the mark of it on his physique. He stated, &#8220O Allah&#8217s Messenger! I wish you would order us to spread one thing out for you and make anything.&#8221 The Prophet replied, &#8220What have I to do with the planet, I am like a rider who rests for a although below the shade of a tree, then goes off and leaves it.&#8221 Ubaid-Allah bin Muhsin reported Allah&#8217s Messenger (Pbuh) as saying, &#8220If any person among you is secure in thoughts in the morning, healthful in physique and has meals for the day, it is as even though the complete world has been brought into his Possession.&#8221

Abu Hurairah reported Allah&#8217s Messenger (Pbuh) as saying, &#8220Look at these who are inferior to you and do not appear at these who are superior to you, for that is far more most likely to hold you from despising Allah&#8217s Favor on you.&#8221 Abu Talha said, &#8220When we complained to Allah&#8217s Messenger of hunger and raised our clothes to show we have been every single carrying a stone over our belly, he raised his garments and showed that he had two stones on his belly.&#8221

Once Umar entered Prophet’s house and noticed the state of the furniture in it. Prophet himself had only 1 sheet of cloth round him to cover the decrease element of his physique. There was a single basic bed, with a single pillow filled with nut fiber on one particular side of the room was some barley and in a single corner near his feet was an animal skin. There were some water-bag skins hanging beside his bed. Umar mentioned that on seeing these tears came into his eyes. Allah&#8217s Messenger asked the cause for his tears. He replied, &#8220O Allah&#8217s Messenger! Why shouldn&#8217t I cry! The strings of the bed have left marks on your body. This is a tiny room with all your furnishings I can see what there is. The Kaiser (Cesar) of Rome and Kisra (Khosru) of Persia get pleasure from luxurious living while you, Allah&#8217s Messenger and the Selected One particular, reside like this.&#8221 He mentioned, &#8220Ibn Al-Khattab! Don&#8217t you like that they decide on this planet and we choose the Hereafter?&#8221.

In brief, Muhammad (Pbuh) lived and liked a straightforward life and enjoyed every minute of it. He taught his companions, via his private instance, to lead a straightforward life and not to be ostentatious.

Where are we following 14 centuries nowadays?

It is worthy to note that Islam and great Islamic rulers like Caliph Umar have disappeared from the Muslim Middle East which was turned into a killing field by United States, Europe and Israel in collaboration with the Arab dictators. All what we have is a group of treacherous anti individuals anti Islamic dictators serving their US-European masters who have installed and maintained them in energy to implement their evil agendas against Muslims.

This contains the land of Islam Saudi Arabia exactly where the ruthless dictator, the most oppressive ruler in the planet, brutalizing folks in comprehensive violation of Islam. Hence a single must not judge the present set of dictators in the Middle East by Islamic values.

JHU General Secretary and a front-liner of the frequent Opposition movement, Patali Champika Ranawaka nowadays challenged the Rajapaksa regime to clarify the crimes that are being probed and punishments that would be meted out on these found guilty of war crimes by the Presidential Commission on Disappearances.

Speaking at a media briefing held in Colombo this afternoon, Ranawaka said President Rajapaksa ought to first clarify the specific charges that are becoming probed by the Commission and the punishments for the perpetrators

&#8220Our stand onthe subject is that if there are charges against any military personnel, it need to be probed and action against them should be taken inside the legal framework obtainable domestically. There have been several situations in Sri Lanka where such action has been taken against military personnel when found guilty,&#8221 he mentioned while adding that the government has no appropriate to speak on war crimes because it has already mandated the Disappearance Commission to investigate into it.

He went on to point out that by inviting international authorities to guidance the Commission if and when required, has also resulted in an international intervention.

&#8220We don&#8217t agree with international interventions into this matter. We strongly think it has to be carried out domestically,&#8221 he added.

Speaking further he also blamed President Rajapaksa, External Affairs Minister and Coordinating MP for the External Affairs Ministry for the present deterioration of Sri Lanka&#8217s foreign relations.

&#8220In 2009 Sri Lanka had secured a 2/3 majority inside the Human Rights Council but this circumstance was totally turned about within a handful of months by the negligence of officials,&#8221 he stated.

He also commented on the allegations that have been produced by former Basic Secretary of the UNP, Tissa Attanayake on a secret deal made by the typical Opposition to decrease troops in the North.

&#8220We learn that an attempt is becoming made to prevent the voters in the Northern province from casting their votes. This is a fine example of the true nature of the relations among the government and the LTTE. . . So I urge the Northern province residents to make use of their right to vote,&#8221 he added.

By W.A. Wijewardena –

A drastic reduction in crude oil rates

Crude oil rates in the planet marketplace have tumbled and they are nevertheless tumbling. The average price of the West Texas Intermediate category of crude oil stood at a level of $ 100 per barrel, which is equal to 159 litres a handful of months ago. It has now fallen to a level of $ 60 per barrel final week. This is practically a decline of 40% in an important commodity within a couple of months.

Supply has grown quicker than demand causing prices to fall.

The price of any commodity falls mainly due to that commodity getting an excess provide. An excess supply can occur due to a fall in demand or an boost in provide or both. In the present predicament, when the Northern Hemisphere of the globe goes into winter, the demand for oil merchandise usually rises simply because of the require for heating. Hence, if there is an excess supply this winter, it is primarily due to the supply of crude oil increasing faster than the improve in demand.

Two theories have been raised to explain the present excess supply of crude oil in the marketplace. One is financial and the other is political.

The US going into tapping shale oil sources

The economic motives are significantly less unknown in this part of the world. That is, the United States has, in a massive way, explored oil in new oilfields recognized as ‘shale oil’ fields by utilizing a new technology referred to as ‘fracking’ which is the shortened kind of what is ordinarily referred to as ‘fracturing’.

Oil shale refers to a rock situated about 4-5 km beneath the surface of the earth containing solid bituminous components referred to as kerogen that are released as petroleum-like liquids by heating the rocks (accessible right here) The shale oil is in strong form and for that reason can’t be pumped to the ground like the oil that is extracted from conventional oil fields. Hence, even although the availability of oil in shale rocks was known for centuries, the industrial exploitation of shale oil did not take spot until the early component of the second decade of the new millennium.

Even as late as 2011, the US Bureau of Land Management had concluded that “there are no economically-viable ways but identified to extract and process shale oil for commercial purposes.”

The fracking technology to bring shale oil up

But this was not to be for extended. A new technique of tapping the vast deposits of oil and gas contained in shale rocks was employed on a industrial basis in the US right after about 2012. That was called hydraulic fracturing or merely ‘fracking’.

With this approach, what is becoming done is that a vertical hole is drilled up to the formation of shale rocks, which are located about four km beneath the ground level. This vertical drill is continued horizontally via the shale rock related to the ‘donas’ which a single finds in gem pits in Ratnapura. Then, about 4 million litres of water mixed with sand and chemical compounds are injected at higher stress to the horizontal section of the drill causing the shale rock to fracture and crack open, similar to the fracturing which could happen in a bone of the physique when it is subjected to a heavy blow.

The fissures developed by the fracturing are kept open by the sand that is released along with the water mixture. It causes the shale rock to release the gas and oil which had been contained within it for a lot of millions of years. The oil and gas mixed with water are then pumped back to the ground, separated and employed for further processing. The recovered water is initial stored in open pits and then removed to treatment plants.

The fracking revolution

Fracking has revolutionised oil and gas exploration in the world. This was hitherto a commercially untapped resource and now it is getting tapped on a huge scale, especially in the northern portion of the United States.

Its sudden proliferation has helped the United States to increase production of each these energy things. By 2014, the US became self-adequate in natural gas and in the case of oil, emerged as the world’s biggest producer of crude oil, driving Saudi Arabia down to second spot.

It is estimated that by 2020 the US will grow to be self-enough in crude oil as effectively. This was excellent news for Obama administration which had been beleaguered by all for a lack of visible financial recovery in the country. Hence, despite the protests against fracking on environmental grounds, the Obama administration is openly supporting the new oil exploration venture which US companies have undertaken.

The world’s fracking mania

Shale oil is not confined only to the US. It is abundantly accessible in the southern provinces of Canada, Lithuania, China and New Zealand. Soon after it was proved that fracking technology was a industrial good results, all these countries have now started plans to exploit their shale oil resources. The enhanced oil and gas production in the US has decreased its imports making a glut in the present power marketplace, sending prices down.

Planned future shale oil exploration by other nations will hold the market place glut going for numerous a lot more years. The present surplus as effectively as the anticipated surplus has sent oil costs tumbling in the globe industry. That is the economic cause for the present decline in oil prices.

A conspiracy theory to clarify falling oil rates

The political cause is connected with a well-liked ‘conspiracy theory’. The present glut has been augmented by Saudi Arabia’s refusal to reduce oil production to match the decreased import demand to sustain oil prices at its historical typical of $ one hundred a barrel.

The Saudis have rationalised that even if oil prices have come down to $ 40 a barrel, they would nevertheless not take into account cutting oil production. The present low oil costs are a loss to Saudis and other members of the Organisation for Petroleum Exporting Countries, popularly recognized as OPEC. But if costs further tumble to a $ 40 level, their losses would be augmented beyond recovery.

In this background, what has prompted the Saudis to stubbornly refuse to reduce oil production? The conspiracy theory has been harboured to justify this irrational behaviour.

Bringing Russia to its knees

It has been argued that the Saudis want to punish 3 parties by permitting oil costs to fall in the market place. First, it is to punish Russia which is supporting the Assad regime in Syria which the Saudis want to topple. Russia is heavily dependent on its oil sources for financing the price range and earning foreign exchange. About a half of its budgetary revenue and about 60% of its export earnings come from the oil sector. When these earnings dwindle on best of the present financial sanctions against Russia by the US and the EU on account of its expansionary policy toward Ukraine, Russia is anticipated to fall to its knees, completely appreciating the emerging stark economic realities.

Currently Russia has been punished by these two counts: its currency, the rouble, has fallen in the marketplace from about 30 roubles a dollar to 70 roubles a dollar. The Russian Central Bank is desperately trying to maintain the rouble from further falling by releasing some of the dollar reserves it is holding and escalating interest rates to an unprecedentedly high level of 17% per annum. Each these measures are anticipated to punish Russia in the long run by shrinking its economy.

Punishing Iran for getting nuclear ambitions

The second celebration which it is claimed that the Saudis want to punish is the unfriendly regime in Iran. Iran’s nuclear ambitions have been deemed by the Saudis as a threat to their existence. Since it is unlikely that Western sanctions against Iran could force the regime to abandon its nuclear ambitions, it is said that the Saudis want to make their own attempt. That is, by forcing oil prices to fall in the market place and sustaining them at those low levels for sometime the Saudis want to provide a fatal blow to that nation.

Damn the US shale producers

The third party to be punished, according to this conspiracy theory, are the shale oil makers in the US. Tapping shale oil resources is a costly affair and if oil prices fall beneath $ 80 per barrel, offered the current expense structure, the boom in the shale oil sector in the US will come to a sudden finish. Thus, it is alleged that the Saudis want to get rid of a single of their rivals who has resorted to option oil exploration.

Can the Saudis be on a self-destructive path?

This conspiracy theory is rationalised by pointing to the low expense of the production of crude oil in Saudi Arabia. Because Saudi oil is found pretty close to the surface level, it is blessed with the lowest expense among all the oil producers in the planet.

Its charges range in between $ 15 and $ 25 per barrel whereas in all other nations they are above 50 per barrel. So, the Saudis can still survive even at a price tag of $ 40 per barrel whereas all other producers, including the US’s shale oil producers, will vanish from the industry at that value level.

It is economics and not conspiracies which rules markets

Several believe in this conspiracy theory due to the fact it is exciting and attractive to the well-liked sentiments of people. It is the big and potent guys who are to be punished and not the poor nations in the world. Hence, a conspiracy theory which suggests that the US is going to be punished has considerably a lot more appeal than any other conspiracy theory.

But if this conspiracy theory is true, then, the Saudis are on a self-destruction path. Saudi Arabia depends principally on its oil sector for wealth, export earnings and prosperity. If oil prices are at a low level for a considerable period of time, it is Saudi Arabia which is to endure more than these countries which it desires to punish. Additional, though the Saudis can withstand and survive through a cost reduction, all other members of OPEC can’t do so due to the higher price of oil production by them. A lot of such producers, especially Venezuela and Nigeria, have to close shop if they are hit by such an external oil value shock.

It is as a result unlikely that any rational selection-maker would go for such a self-destructive choice. Hence, it is more probably that these punishments are basically a natural consequence of the present global oversupply in oil rather than deliberate action taken by 1 of the major oil producers.

Market’s reaction to low oil rates

Hence, the all-natural industry forces will do a series of market adjustments to right the present fall in oil rates. Pressure would be exerted on Saudi Arabia to cut output and thereby bring oil prices up once more. Investors in shale oil in the US, obtaining that their oil wells are no far more economical, will voluntarily restrict oil production thereby permitting oil imports to the US as soon as once again.

These nations which are blessed with shale oil deposits will postpone their plans to tap this resource thereby taking out the anticipated market place provide of crude oil due to new shale oil exploration. Accordingly, marketplace costs will start moving up once once again and get stabilised at around $ 80 to $ 90 per barrel. That cost is an economic value for all other oil producers in the globe.

Low oil rates are an inhibiter to Sri Lanka’s Mannar Basis ambitions

Sri Lanka’s existing oil consumption stands at about 1 billion litres of petrol and two billion litres of diesel per annum. It would have gained a substantial advantage due to the low oil rates had it not enhanced its vehicle imports in a massive measure in the current past via a supporting duty reduction.

Vehicle registrations are increasing at a rate demanding a lot more oil and diesel imports. Accordingly, though the price is low, the volume will improve, decreasing the total advantage which the nation would have gotten out of the decline in oil rates in the planet market.

Sri Lanka’s nascent oil exploration efforts in the Mannar Basin will also suffer if oil rates are at a level of $ 80 or beneath. These offshore oil explorations are such a pricey affair, even North Sea oil producers cannot survive unless oil rates have risen to a level of $ 90 and above.

If the prices are reduced than this threshold value, the Mannar Basin oil could be pumped up only with a supporting subsidy by the Government. Hence, it will be a lot more economical for Sri Lanka to hold the oil under the sea level in the Mannar Basin alternatively of taking it out.

The current value fall is a temporary phenomenon

Consequently according to economic logic, the present tumble of oil rates in the globe markets is going to be a short-term phenomenon. They will stay at these low levels only for another six to eight months. Soon after that, prices will settle when again at a level of about $ 80- $ 90 a barrel.

*W.A Wijewardena, a former Deputy Governor of the Central Bank of Sri Lanka, can be reached at [email protected]

By Rajiva Wijesinha –

Enemies of the President’s Guarantee: Dopey 3

Namal in fact had no inhibitions about discussing with buddies the profitable enterprise bargains he was involved in. But it is attainable that he did not think there was anything incorrect with all these. More than the years a culture of close involvement of politicians with the enterprise sector had created, and the favours received from them had been observed merely as tokens of friendship – as were the concessions and contracts the complaisant businessmen received. So Chandrika Kumaratunga benefited as President from the largesse of a businessman known as Ronnie Pieris, who did extremely well beneath the regime, although one more close pal who had worked for Emirates ended up, when he was appointed head of Air Lanka, as it employed to be identified, by subordinating it to that airline. Emirates emerged strengthened immeasurably by the partnership while Air Lanka lost a lot of the reputation and the attain it had earlier enjoyed. But these seemed isolated examples, and the connections to any incentives had been never direct.

But by the time the Rajapaksa regime was settled in, the potential for company had expanded immeasurably, and Namal, with initially a lower profile than these holding executive positions, but with certainly the greatest influence of all, was soon swiftly befriended by several regional and foreign businessmen. But as with the Packer deal, he could doubtless convince himself that he was advertising far more financial activity in Sri Lanka, and that the nation would also advantage.

One more region in which his friends had a field day was the Stock Exchange, which it quickly became identified was being ruthlessly manipulated. The President’s vital innocence about this sort of thing seemed apparent when he appointed as its Chairman Indrani Sugathadasa, a former senior public servant of wonderful integrity, who was also the wife of his Secretary Lalith Weeratunge. But just before lengthy she felt obliged to resign, and the President accepted her resignation. She had asked her husband just before she resigned regardless of whether it would impact his position, and he had reassured her because he did not consider he could contribute to the vitiation of her integrity. But, offered that it was rumoured that Namal had played a function, on behalf of his buddies, in generating her position untenable, the matter obviously impacted his personal feelings and his possible effectiveness.

Mrs Sugathadasa was replaced by an additional figure of known integrity, a former Member of Parliament, Tilak Karunaratne. He was also concerned about education, and was a member of an advisory group I had set up named Religion, Education And Pluralism. After he was appointed, he recommended that we meet in the Security Exchanges Commission office, since that would save him the extended journey to my Reconciliation Office which was near Parliament. I asked him then how confident he felt about his position, and the clearing up he thought was vital, and he told me that the President had assured him of a totally free hand to restore self-confidence. But inside a handful of months he too resigned.

His successor was deemed far more prepared to oblige those in power, but even he, shortly following his appointment, was rumoured to have attributed a shaky transaction to the Secretary of Defence. The matter was hushed up, but it was a sad decline for Gotabaya Rajapaksa, whose reputation for economic integrity had earlier been above reproach. The association with Duminda Silva had dealt it a blow, but now it seemed that he also had systemic involvements with big company. This seemed additional established with the incident at Weliweriya, where it was claimed that the forces had been referred to as out at the behest of the Chairman of a organization which was under criticism for polluting the water provide.

Ironically, there was no evidence that the firm had deviated from safety requirements, and Gotabaya’s view that the protests had been orchestrated was almost certainly appropriate. Entertainingly, if tragically from the viewpoint of the bereaved, the protests against the business had been promoted by Mervyn Silva, who was believed to be close to Basil as a major politician of the Gampaha District where Basil had headed the poll for the government. But the initial qualms of the individuals about the water provide had not been addressed, even though misleading details about the PH aspect of the water in the area had contributed to anxieties which burst out in fervent protests. The selection then to deploy the army may possibly have been made in the belief that, if protracted and violent, the factory would be damaged – but the upshot was that the factory had to move, given the resentment the deaths roused. That this was largely due to internal rivalries was symptomatic of how far the government of President Rajapaksa had moved from its initial unity. And the absence of any systems to appear swiftly into public grievances created it clear that no one particular was interested in advertising the grass roots level consultations, with prompt redress for issues, that had been a cornerstone of the Rajapaksa manifesto.

Though the President must in the finish take responsibility for the failure to live up to his ideals, the truth is that he was now operating in a planet really distinct from the easy understanding of politics that he had evinced in his own profession, and which he had inherited from his father and his uncle ahead of him. Mahinda Rajapaksa was the initial elected leader of Sri Lanka who did not come from the Western Province, and his commitment as a result to rural improvement was special (although it should also be granted that President Premadasa before him, from the Western Province but a comparatively deprived background, also understood and worked on the want for equitable development). But he left the bulk of activity in this regard to Basil, who concentrated on cement rather than people. Gotabaya, although devoted to his soldiery, often thought safety required repression of men and women who evinced hostility, even of the mildest sort. And Namal, who ought to have been most concerned with the Rajapaksa legacy, was emphatically a child of Colombo, devoted to the concerns of the rich with whom his closest associations have been.

Mahinda Rajapaksa had perhaps been lucky in that his mentor had not been capable to gain him admission to S. Thomas’ when he moved to Colombo. He had been told by the then Warden of the College that it was too late to bring the boy into conformity with the culture there. But Namal’s admission to that elite establishment was facilitated in the nineties and, although he did not shine in school, and was certainly deemed a straightforward but decent youngster, he absorbed a culture which was by then orientated towards the consumerism of the West. The magnificient collection of watches that Namal possessed, brand names in designs and colours to match whatever else he might be wearing, was probably the most critical symbol of what his education had given him

But what was far more critical than such tastes was his potential to finance such tastes. My personal understanding of how the young man operated created when I was told by Arjuna Ranatunga, former Sri Lankan Cricket Captain, how Namal had sought to profit by investment in cricket. Arjuna had been an SLFP Member of Parliament, but he had left the celebration in 2010 to help Sarath Fonseka, so it is feasible that his story was coloured by his political position. But he had generally had a reputation for integrity as well as strength of character, and I had found him a committed colleague at the Committee on Public Enterprises, exactly where he had also evinced a powerful social commitment.

He had been particularly scathing in the examination of Sri Lanka Cricket, exactly where his brother had been the Chief Executive whilst also operating for the Carlton Sports Network. His questioning made it clear that the award to that Network of telecasting rights for cricket matches, a especially profitable contract, had been irregular. But Arjuna also noted that the losses Sri Lanka Cricket was creating was because of huge expenditure to develop up stadiums for the Globe Cup in which we had been co-hosts. His point was that this was unnecessary, since when he had been in charge of Sri Lanka Cricket he had reached an agreement with the World Physique that the facilities we had did not call for enormous upgrading for the purposes for which they would be used.

Later he told me that the President had wanted him to develop a globe class cricket stadium in Hambantota, his personal District, the list of representatives for which in Parliament was now headed by Namal. Arjuna had told him that such expenditure would be a waste, and that it produced much more sense to create facilities in schools in the area to train up youngsters. The President had seemed annoyed, but he had evidently taken to heart Arjuna’s point that, whilst the nation must not invest on this, he was prepared to function on it if there had been an investor – for Namal named Arjuna up soon afterwards to say he had one particular accessible.

The dilemma was that, when Arjuna had told him it would price about 15 million dollars, Namal had asked him to say it would be 30. Arjuna stuck to his figure when the man was brought to see him, and the man had seemed interested, but stated he wanted to be confident Arjuna remained in charge. But Arjuna stated he could not assure that, provided his political commitments, and the investor lost interest. But the stadium was then constructed, at huge and unnecessary expense as Arjuna described it.

The President doubtless went ahead with the project simply because of his devotion to his residence District. He had already had a harbour built there, which created a lot of sense provided that it lay on properly employed sea routes. Though there have been difficulties connected with a rock that seemed an obstruction, those could doubtless be overcome, and in time the harbour would probably prove a sensible investment.

There was much less optimism about the new airport that had been constructed in the Hambantota District. Even though a second airport was a good idea, its siting left significantly to be preferred, considering that it was far from the coastal areas that it should have serviced if tourism was a priority. And no work had been made to develop the infrastructure in the region and guarantee excellent cause for passenger planes to get in touch with there. So the couple of that had began operating there gave up, and inside a couple of years there had been no typical flights there, except for some Sri Lankan Airlines flights that known as there en route to or from Colombo, an workout that was wasteful of time and income.

When to this was added a stadium in the District, it was clear that sentiment had overcome rationality. But the added difficulty, about the further cost which Namal’s involvement seemed to entail, was possibly not anything for which the President could be held straight accountable. It was clear nonetheless that his excessive indulgence was proving especially tough on the country.

And no matter whether Namal understood the needs of the country, as opposed to his own, seemed in doubt. One particular of the saddest stories about him was that he had not been worried about Sri Lanka losing the vote in Geneva in 2012, because that could be utilized to win votes at elections in Sri Lanka. It is tough to think that he could have been so callous about the forces who would be the victims of the Western try to pin war crimes charges on Sri Lanka, but it was argued that that may well clarify the own goals the Sri Lankan team engaged in, ignoring the approach of our Permanent Representative, Tamara Kunanayakam and her efforts to create up defences internationally. Sadly, inside a couple of years of Mahinda Rajapaksa becoming elected to his second term, choices seemed to be in the hands of those without having the capacity to program or think beyond their own interests.

By Rajiva Wijesinha –

Enemies of the President’s Guarantee: Dopey two

Another consequence of the electoral system from which we now suffer is that simple name recognition is generally enough to ensure election. Frequently voters, possessing chosen the candidate from their constituency, use their other two preferences on these whose names they know. Naturally posters place up all over the electoral catchment area support in obtaining one’s name identified, but there are other simpler factors as well for some men and women to get votes. So film or sports stars do quite well at elections, as do these who receive publicity for other factors, by way of eccentric behavior, or even by being jailed, as occurred with a fairly unknown character from the opposition in the 2010 Basic Election.

And of course if one’s father or mother or brother or uncle is already an established politician, then 1 is more probably to choose up the loose preferences of a big quantity of the voters. In short, the kids of well identified politicians start with a built in advantage. Contrariwise, in the previous, when candidates had been selected for distinct electorates, they had to establish themselves in that location, as people with some connection with the constituency they wanted to represent. Now however they merely have to command patronage in order to get their names on the electoral lists. So in recent years there have been escalating numbers of children standing for election, and several of them have completed really properly. Whereas Mahinda Rajapaksa had to prove that he was the most capable of his siblings to step into his father’s seat, and whereas he lost elections under the 1st previous the post program and was not in Parliament for several years, Namal had no difficulty in acquiring nomination for the Hambantota District, and in topping the list there on preferences at the election. And he will certainly be in a position to get enough preferences in any future election to keep in Parliament, even if the SLFP becomes much less popular in the District than yet another celebration.

Namal then is here to stay, and with the passing of the 18^th Amendment to the Constitution that removed term limits, his father would naturally be capable to keep on as President, or to be precise as the Presidential candidate of his celebration, till Namal have been prepared to take his place. This was of course understood by other members of Parliament, and many saw friendship with Namal as their route to political advancement. Sensibly, Mahinda Rajapaksa did not give Namal a ministerial position, though this as well had adverse consequences, since it meant he did not give any new entrant to parliament executive workplace (the only exception initially being the former LTTE military wing leader, Karuna, whose support had been invaluable in dealing with his intransigent former comrades, right after he left the LTTE when it was clear they have been not interested in a negotiated solution).

So the President had to leave out folks of verified ability since, had he appointed them, the stress from sycophants to promote Namal, which had in any case arisen, would have been irresistible – and Namal too would have had stronger claims to a position. Certainly, when the President 1st gave Deputy Minister positions to new entrants, he gave a couple to those who had carried out ideal in their Districts, which would facilitate Namal’s appointment at the subsequent reshuffle – or rather, at the subsequent accession of Ministers, considering that in Sri Lanka no one is left out when modifications are produced.

But there were other methods to provide Namal with the possibilities for patronage for which ordinary politicians needed executive workplace. He headed a youth movement known as Tharunayata Hetak, a Future for the Young, which engaged in a variety of activities that brought him prestige and publicity. He was invited to preside over ceremonial occasions, and offered credit for what was carried out. And when the government settled folks from the south in some regions in the North, he even had a new village named right after him, Namalgama.

The forces indeed gave him considerably prominence. He had to be present when former LTTE cadres were released soon after rehabilitation. I came across a single specifically sad example of the unnecessary difficulties caused by this rage for recognition – or possibly the rage to bestow recognition, given that Namal probably would not have minded if he had not been invited to all such occasions – with regard to the restoration to their owners of some boutiques in Kilinochchi which the army had occupied. I was asked about these at a Reconciliation meeting, and I suggested the neighborhood organization that raised the question meet the Civil Affairs Office of the military, and find out what was planned. I often noted that the military had a proper to take over lands if important, but they had to make sure that this was indeed important, and that owners were properly compensated.

The officer who came to the meeting promised to look into the matter, but as we went out he mentioned they had already decided to give back the boutiques. When I asked why this had not been carried out, he stated that they had been waiting for Namal to be present to restore the deeds at a formal ceremony. This struck me as ridiculous, since it caused unnecessary suffering to the owners, and in any case it was the army that required to win hearts and minds, not politicians from the south. But the system of sycophancy rather than practicality was also effectively entrenched for my argument to have any effect, even even though the officer concerned understood the point.

Underlying the promotion of Namal by the forces was his association with Gotabaya who, without any obvious ambitions of his personal as it seemed early on, clearly far preferred Namal to Basil as the putative heir apparent. Although he by no means evinced, and most likely did not feel, hostility towards Basil, he produced no bones about his commitment to Namal, and the forces accordingly pushed the latter forward.

What appears to have been Gotabaya’s indulgence of Namal contributed to the erosion of the reputation he had previously enjoyed for honesty. In 2011, when it became clear that the Ministry of External Affairs was dysfunctional, the President took the choice to appoint what he termed Monitoring Members of Parliament to a handful of Ministries, to overlook their perform. This was an outrageous thought, due to the fact it suggested that Members of Parliament must in effect supervise the perform of Ministers, but in fact it was applied to quite handful of Ministries, and in most of them the Monitoring Member did extremely tiny. The exception was External Affairs, where Sajin Vass Gunawardena, confidante of both Namal and the President, constructed an empire for himself, but certainly there were special circumstances there.

Certainly the strategy seemed to have been made only for that Ministry but, possibly since that may have looked inordinately absurd, it was produced slightly much less so by being extended to a few other people. Later the President claimed that he had asked Members of Parliament to apply for these positions, but that was not the case, and the honour, such as it was, had been extended to just half a dozen of the new MPs.

Amongst these, apart from Sajin, the most prominent had been two really close pals of Namal, who were appointed as Monitoring Members for the Ministry of Defence. A single was Uditha Lokubandara, who was almost as young as Namal, and was the son of the former UNP Minister and Speaker, who had in impact supported Mahinda Rajapaksa right after he became President, and had been appointed as Governor of Sabaragamuwa Province right after the 2010 election.

Uditha was an enthusiastic young man, who did not present any problems. Nor maybe did the other Monitoring Member, offered the tight hold Gotabaya had on his Ministry. But this was Duminda Silva, who was alleged to be involved in drug dealing. Regardless of whether or not this was accurate, it did not redound to Gotabaya’s credit, which had previously been unsullied with regard to shady activities.

Matters became worse when Duminda, who had come over to the government from the UNP, was involved in a shootout in the course of a local election with a long standing SLFP politician, Bharatha Premachandra, for the causes of electoral rivalry recorded above. The latter died, and Duminda received a wound to the head which necessary protracted therapy, and seemed to have resulted in some sort of brain harm.

Gotabaya had rushed to hospital when Duminda was taken there, which might just have been standard decency for somebody supposedly involved with his Ministry, but it highlighted the association and led to speculation about the exact nature of the connection. Provided the extent of the fortune the Silva household commanded, which integrated also a media empire, it was naturally assumed that the Rajapaksa regime had benefited from their largesse. But to find it connected closely to the Secretary of Defence was a surprise that for the first time raised doubts about Gotabaya’s commitment to the ideals he professed.

This was especially ironic, given that he had recently launched a forceful campaign against drug dealers, and certainly Mervyn Silva, a maverick member of Parliament who was a single of Basil’s chief supporters in the Gampaha District, was reported to have been amongst these whose activities was below suspicion. Since frequent parlance had it that his associates had been distinct from these of Duminda Silva, the public revelation of Gotabaya’s closeness to the latter was specially worrying.

***

Namal meanwhile, provided the need for aspiring politicians to have access to huge amounts of funds for the electoral motives detailed above, was actively involved in company. He had set up a media organization known as the Carlton Sports Network, Carlton becoming the name of one particular of the loved ones homes in the south, and this quickly obtained a monopoly on the telecasting of well-liked sports programmes. The income the network could make from marketing were of course colossal.

Namal was also capable to command sponsorship for any activities he undertook. He had a penchant for quickly vehicles, so he set up an annual car race in Colombo for which sandbags had to be set up to permit for daredevil motorists, at least those capable to drive high-priced racing automobiles, to profession around. Early on in his parliamentary career, he arranged a enormous tamasha in this regard for which popular Indian film stars came down.

Initially this gave his profession an impetus, especially when some of the stars participated in programmes for former LTTE cadres getting rehabilitated. But as time passed, these events seemed quite a lot the preserve of privileged youngsters, and served to alienate him from the vast majority of Sri Lankan youngsters. Therefore Sri Lanka seemed to be playing out the tragedy of some a lot of other third planet nations, exactly where the scions of potent and apparently unassailably entrenched political families, such as Gaddafi’s young children, whose amusements were distinctly international in orientation, held unchallenged sway. And regrettably for the President, this was the much more marked since Sri Lanka had not suffered from such excesses ahead of. Dudley Senanayake had been a thorough and quite basic gentleman, so his father’s indulgence had triggered no issues, while he himself was unmarried and had no young children Jayewardene’s son had been fairly old when his father lastly came to power, and each Bandaranaikes as effectively as Premadasa had maintained discipline amongst their youngsters and not provided them political prominence.

As time passed, Namal’s company activities also took on distinct types. When in 2013 a scandal broke about a strategy for the Packer dynasty to set up a casino in Colombo, initially the assumption was that this was yet an additional of Basil’s enterprise offers, in terms of what he saw as priorities for financial improvement. But Basil was vital of the enterprise, and it was then rumoured that it was Namal who had established connections with James Packer. Definitely he felt himself entitled to negotiate about investment possibilities, with both neighborhood and foreign businessmen, and the rumours spread that all offers involved substantial commissions.

By Laksiri Fernando –

It seems that the Defence Secretary, Gotabaya Rajapaksa, is openly taking inspiration from ‘terrorism.’ He at least defends his actions on the basis of terrorists. According to the lead story of ‘The Island’ newspaper yesterday (15 December 2014), reported by Shamindra Fernando, he has stated, “If terrorists can enter politics, why not forces personnel?”  

This is a dangerous trend. If the same logic is extended to human rights violations or war crimes, he can argue, ‘If terrorists can do such and such issues, why not forces personnel?” The citizens of Sri Lanka (such as myself) would like to know whether or not this is just an argument or whether this is the way he has been acting and intends to act.

He has employed the terrorist title for the LTTE (rightly so), and for the JVP (correct for the past), and claimed the same entitlements for the armed forces personnel. I do hope that the professional soldiers and their officers/commanders completely disengage and distance themselves from this sort of thinking and stick to their ‘code of discipline’ totally free from partisan politics.

It was like cat out of the bag. The occasion for this revelation, as reported by ‘The Island,’ was as follows.

“The Maithripa la Sirisena’s Camp yesterday told the media that Defence Secretary Rajapaksa was utilizing Urban Improvement Authority (UDA) in President Rajapaksa’s campaign. Addressing the media, Opposition spokesman attorney-at-law Shiral Lakthilaka alleged that the UDA was operating digital screens in Colombo 24 hours a day to promote President Rajapaksa. Lakthilaka stated that the Opposition had a list of serving military personnel campaigning for the incumbent president.”

Not Denied

Let me take the most significant matter 1st, with my emphasis in the above quote. Defence Secretary has not denied the accusation that “serving military personnel campaigning for the incumbent president.” What he has mentioned is the following.

“The vast majority of military would help the government simply because whatever the allegations, no one particular could deprive President Rajapaksa of giving political leadership to the effective war effort.”

Of course he has not admitted the accusation straight either. What he has clearly admitted is the use of “retired military personnel in President Mahinda Rajapaksa’s campaign,” according to the report. He has defended that ‘use,’ citing the example of Sarath Fonseka.

Even so he has gone some distance to prove that Fonseka entered politics whilst he was in workplace which clearly gives the indication that he most almost certainly using serving officers or the military for the election campaign. Two examples that he has given are the resignation letter of Fonseka as the Chief of Defence Staff (CDS) to the President, and his consultation with the JVP in late 2009 when he was in the US, nevertheless holding the CDS position.

I was 1 (among other individuals) who criticised Sarath Fonseka’s entry into politics at that juncture as a wrong precedence and also as a major military danger. That was 1 explanation why I supported Mahinda Rajapaksa at that election. Even so, 1 wrong does not make one more wrong (in this case a larger a single) excusable. Similarly, I have also criticised the retired judges getting into into politics, whatever the causes. There is no doubt that those who supported or promoted Fonseka at that election was imprudent whatever the discrimination or harassment that he had undergone beneath Rajapaksas. It is not private hatred or judgements that must govern our positions, but great governance and democratic principles.

Present Dangers

It is on record that many retired military and police officers have entered active politics. If it is just one or two, that could be ignored. Even so, when there is a trend or a horde, then that is alarming. If folks enter into politics from sectors exactly where independence is needed, then these persons’ independence for the duration of the service become questionable.

I bear in mind an ASP’s name allegedly implicated in repression in Jaffna in early 1981 when I visited there on a reality finding mission. Then he became a DIG and later entered politics.

Politicization of the armed forces (or police) is one particular of the key dangers of any society. That cannot be excused by referring to terrorism or taking the example of terrorism. Civilized globe anticipate various norms and behaviour from security forces to that of terrorists. The argument that “If terrorists can enter politics, why not forces personnel?” is undoubtedly a strange and an abhorrent argument. All professional soldiers and the officers need to reject the equation of the armed forces to terrorists.

It is very clear that the Defence Secretary is using (some) forces personnel for his brother’s election campaign. He is also performing this as a ‘civil servant’ and as a Secretary of a Ministry. This is a extremely clear violation of election laws and ‘free and fair elections.’ One particular proof of this violation is his utterances themselves and the press interview that he has offered to ‘The Island.’ He has currently admitted the violation.

For the opposition accusation that “Defence Secretary Rajapaksa was using Urban Development Authority (UDA) in President Rajapaksa’s campaign” and “operating digital screens in Colombo 24 hours a day to market President Rajapaksa,” he has admitted the use of the screens but has stated “those ads didn’t carry images of him or the President.”

The problem in Sri Lanka below the Executive Presidential Constitution is that not only the President is immune (with impunity) of any wrong performing, but his brothers also think and claim that they have immunity with impunity.

By Ruvan Weerasinghe –

So we come to however another time of electioneering where politicians run a circus to amuse the rest of us. And, to a huge extent we oblige, exchanging cartoons and videos through social media and even reading posters and cutouts smiling down on us from giant hoardings.

Nearly specifically 5 years ago, I had to lead a team from the University of Colombo College of Computing to help the Elections Commissioner in the final processing of results. As has been accomplished at all Presidential and Basic Elections considering that 1982, our group ensured that an error-free of charge processing was carried out in the course of that election as well. Nevertheless, most readers would bear in mind that specific election for the new term coined by an opposition politician, namely the pc jilmart, which was alleged to have taken spot to make the incumbent win. In hindsight, this was completely understandable owing to the heightened expectations of the opposition at the time. It was nevertheless distressing to our group, since it marked the very first occasion for aspersions getting cast not just on our competency (which of course is crucial to us), but more crucially also our independence. Although the independence of universities even given that then has eroded, the University of Colombo College of Computing has in all its dealings at least with the Elections been fiercely holding on to our reputation of neutrality. Those who are even indirectly involved in politicking are not welcome on the group assisting the Elections Commissioner.

How then can we clarify the ‘computer jilmart’ phenomenon, or the scenario that prompted it – an apparently inexplicable defeat of a well-known opposition candidate? Elsewhere I’ve written about the focus of the two campaigns – a single on these aspects considerably far more standard and reduce down on Maslow’s hierarchy of wants, and the other on problems considerably higher on that scale such as the freedom of speech, anti-corruption and the rule of law. Here I wish to focus on one thing significantly much more fundamental, and effortless to comprehend: the whole election method.

It is our extremely own honorary citizen Sir Arthur C. Clarke who famously stated that any sufficiently advanced technologies is indistinguishable from magic. It is also in the human psyche to attribute things that are inexplicable to a pretty surface level logic, to that identical ‘magic’. Offered these two, it is not rocket science that enabled the esteemed opposition politician to conclude that the election loss, which so defied the logic of what occurred on election day (fairly peaceful if my memory serves me), was due to the magic of technologies.

5 years on, most severe observers are clear that the election of 2010 was not won or lost on Election Day – just as this one particular wouldn’t be. Rather, it is to do with a program that is doomed to have a common outcome that hugely favours any incumbent. Even though at the outset, incumbents (initially Prime Ministers sans the executive powers of the President of the 1978 Constitution) have been not prone to blatant exploitation of a constitution that didn’t call for them to step down prior to elections, the powers of the executive presidential system tends to make the population have to depend solely on the magnanimity of an incumbent in order to enable the utopic cost-free and fair election to be held. This is hardly a hope that a hapless voter can hold on to specially at a Presidential Election. Its effects even so will also frequently spill over to Parliamentary Elections as we have witnessed in the past. What is even a lot more depressing nevertheless, is that nowadays, they even reach down to Provincial and Local Government levels.

The Treasury is reported to have already released a preliminary estimate that the coming Presidential Elections will cost the government some Rs ten.five billion – of which just Rs two.five billion is for the Elections Commission. This is with out taking into account the huge magnitude of the private funds that the country will commit on this election, in a context exactly where the ordinary voter is challenging pressed to eek out an existence amidst an escalating cost of living.

Far as well few efforts have gone into enumerating the several and often ingenious techniques in which a common incumbent utilizes their position of energy during election time to use the state machinery for unfair advantage. This is celebration owing the difficulty in acquiring correct details and partly owing to fear of over stepping the mark assigned to the media. Considerably of it is also in English rather than Sinhala or Tamil, which an incumbent can tolerate, with the sole exception of social media channels. The unfortunate reality is that social media information is often construed to only be partially true and far more typically exaggeration and not really precise.

Far more lately however, some of these hidden modes of operation have begun to be seen by the public, typically owing to over-enthusiastic politicians wanting to hit the radar of the incumbent himself. Although expenses of a helicopter ride for political motives can not be readily identified by the public, a rally of heavy-duty SUVs or higher-powered motorbikes is a much far more identifiable misuse of public property for political gain. People are also becoming far more conscious of the expenses of huge posters and cutouts than ahead of, because these have turn into commonplace now.

Nevertheless, behind these sorts goofs that some crass supporters make, come ever a lot more sophisticated and subtle methods of abuse that is below the public radar. Even right now, the news and data channels most widely accessible to the majority constitute of these nearly solely under an incumbent administration. Whether Tv, Radio or Newspaper, these project nearly solely a single view, with even the mildly critical views getting zero airtime/space. Even the most obvious of ‘gimmicks’ such as short-term price reductions certainly are profitable in communicating subliminal messages to an economically challenged populace. The shameless purchase of opposition MPs and coercion of own MPs with threats of disclosure are each largely beneath the table dealings that an incumbent is properly placed to exploit. ‘Progress review’ of ministries with the incumbent are yet another subtle subversion of the program, often exercised utilizing the reputable powers of Secretaries of Ministries. These are even better guised, since they are named by these CEOs of the respective Ministries, who have the energy to take action against those who do not comply. Owing to the level of executive powers vested in any incumbent, and their rising tendency to use all at their disposal, the bureaucracy is typically compelled to comply or jeopardize their careers. We require to salute the extremely couple of independent folks who created that ultimate sacrifice of relinquishing their public office or becoming demoted or transferred on account of valiantly attempting to remain neutral. Some of them, such as CJ43 are respected and could even be reinstated some day, although other individuals in much reduce positions, such as Government Servants or Police Officers, will never ever be really identified or recognized.

So, what hope is there for a non-incumbent to win an election? Really small, in the new dynamics of absolute energy and sophisticated concealment. If an opponent can only match an incumbent in terms of issues facing the country, he is almost doomed to drop – he has to far surpass the incumbent in order to come anywhere near his 50% objective. Almost any campaign that is fought fairly on troubles, is bound to be won by the incumbent owing to the motives above, as well as to the basic fear of the unknown of the masses. Enfranchised Sri Lankan society initially had pretty quick memories and kept electing alternate parties to energy till 1977. Since then even so, the pattern has changed drastically. It is not to do with longer memories that we have been abruptly bestowed with, but rather the physical exercise of the improved executive power by the incumbent, which renders it nearly self-destructive not to use such power during elections. If we place ourselves in the shoes of an incumbent, would we have what it takes to defy all our advisors and supporters and desist from using the powers that we legitimately enjoy under the constitution that we govern below? I like to recommend that the answer is yes, if we have a larger sense of accountability than the letter of the law. However, that kind of magnanimity would be rare not just in Sri Lanka, but also in much (if not all) of the building globe.

What does all this mean to us at this election? Please, please, don’t wait for the election day, and then get in touch with foul – spelt j-i-l-m-a-r-t in Sri Lanka now. The jilmart happens ahead of the election, as it has happened in increasingly far more sophisticated techniques ever because the executive presidency started in this country. It is embedded in the constitution, it powers the campaign of an incumbent, it is in the valiant and disproportionate efforts of opportunistic junior (and even much more disappointingly inept senior) politicians, it is in the thousands of squandered man-hours of disempowered public officials, it is surprisingly in the prospering organization neighborhood benefiting from direct and indirect cronyism (in the name of ‘stability’) and it is in the voices of the destitute who’s only hope is to hang on to meager handouts already received, in the hope for more in the future.

Does this imply that a alter of regime would solve this difficulty? Clearly not! Whilst successive Executive President’s have misused their powers to differing extents, it is clear that none have been in a position to be entirely magnanimous in desisting the use of their legally bestowed powers. This is why, the only way out of this cycle – or rather, this downward spiral, is to get rid of the inordinate powers vested in any future President. The present incumbent, far more than any other could have carried out it with the huge majority he had in Parliament. Most would argue that these powers had been required for wartime, even though some would dispute that too. Some would go onto argue that such powers are needed for fast financial improvement, even though most would dispute that. This argument nonetheless hinges on the emergence of a so-referred to as benevolent dictator which by now even the most optimistic Sri Lankan need to relegate to wishful pondering. There is almost certainly more sense in waiting for Godot. In such a context, it seems that there is no other choice in this post-war era in Sri Lanka, but to change the executive presidential method by whoever wins the election on January 8^th.

No matter whether the incumbent wins, or the challenger is productive, we as citizens of this nation, need to have to make it clear in no uncertain terms that we have had sufficient of this method, and demand that our voices be brought to bear on any future Sri Lankan government. The vote on the eight^th of January is not so considerably to do with which of the major contenders are more worthy of our allegiance, but rather whether Sri Lankan society has come of age, to send a clear signal to whoever who wins, that we do not trust any individual with the absolute energy that the presidential program endows them. It is in the end no matter whether voters can give a clear message to whoever becomes President that their vote is for ushering in a new type of democracy primarily based on the principles of meritocracy rather than of cronyism.

Ruvan Weerasinghe – Former Director, University of Colombo School of Computing.

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